アルジェリア内戦
出典: フリー百科事典『ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 (2023/12/25 15:34 UTC 版)
アルジェリア内戦（Algerian Civil War）とは1991年に始まったアルジェリア政府軍と複数のイスラム主義の反政府軍との間の武力紛争である。
- ^ Martinez 1998:162.
- ^ Martinez 1998:215.
- ^ Hagelstein, Roman (2007). “Where and When does Violence Pay Off? The Algerian Civil War”. HICN (Households in Conflict Network): 24 2012年4月11日閲覧。.
- ^ Hamit Bozarslan, Cent mots pour dire la violence dans le monde musulman, Maisonneuve & Larose, 2005, p.141
- ^ Algeria, Encyclopedia of the Nations
- ^ a b Explaining the Violence Pattern of the Algerian Civil War, Roman Hagelstein, Households in Conflict Network, pp. 9, 17
- ^ Entre menace, censure et liberté: La presse privé algérienne se bat pour survivre, March 31, 1998
- ^ [Hugh Roberts, The Battlefield Algeria 1988–2002: studies in a broken polity, Verso: London 2003, p. 269: "Hassan Hattab's GSPC which has condemned the GIA's indiscriminate attacks on civilians and, since going it alone, has tended to revert to the classic MIA-AIS strategy of confining its attacks to guerrilla forces."
- ^ Whitlock, Craig (5 October 2006). “Al-Qaeda's Far-Reaching New Partner”. Washington Post: A01.
- ^ Algerian group backs al-Qaeda. BBC News. (23 October 2003) 2008年11月7日閲覧。
- ^ Abdelhak Layada, quoted in Jeune Afrique, 27 January 1994 (quoted in Willis 1996)
- ^ w:Sid Ahmed Mourad, quoted in Jeune Afrique, 27 January 1994 (quoted in Willis 1996)
- ^ Naughton, Philippe (1993年11月20日). “Islamic militants' death threat drives foreigners from Algeria”. London: The Times(quoted in Willis 1996)
- ^ Martinez 1998:92–93, 179.
- ^ Martinez 1998:228–229.
- ^ Ministry of Interior and of Communications confidential communiqué, quoted in Benjamin Stora (2001). La guerre invisible. Paris: Presse de Science Po.. ISBN 2-7246-0847-X, p. 25.
- ^ (Roberts, Hugh. “Algeria's Contested Elections”. Middle East Report 209. 2009年2月16日閲覧。
- ^ Nesroullah Yous & Salima Mellah (2000). Qui a tué a Bentalha?. La Découverte, Paris. ISBN 2-7071-3332-9
- ^ w:El Watan, 21 January (quoted in Willis 1996)
- ^ [1]（2003年10月13日時点のアーカイブ）
- ^ html
- ^ "Police role in Algerian killings exposed", The Observer, 11 January 1998; "Algeria regime 'was behind Paris bombs'", Manchester Guardian Weekly, 16 November 1997; Habib Souaidia, La sale guerre, Paris: La Découverte, 2001.Quote:（2002年9月21日時点のアーカイブ） "'When I enlisted into the Algerian army in 1989, I was miles away from thinking that I would be a witness to the tragedy that has struck my country. I have seen colleagues burn alive a 15-year-old child. I have seen soldiers disguising themselves as terrorists and massacring civilians. ")
- ^ “Anwar N. Haddam: An Islamist Vision for Algeria”. Middle East Quarterly. (1996年9月) 2013年1月18日閲覧。
- ^ Kalyvas, Stathis N. "Wanton and Senseless?: The Logic of Massacres in Algeria" Rationality and Society 1999; 11: "Still, there is substantial evidence that many among the deadliest massacres have been perpetrated by Islamist guerrillas. The most important evidence comes from testimonies of survivors who were able to identify local Islamists among the attackers (see below). In fact, survivors who openly accuse the army for its failure to intervene also expressed no doubt about the identity of the killers, pointing to the Islamist guerrillas (e. g. Tuquoi 1997). Moreover, some of the troubling aspects of this story can be explained without reference to an army conspiracy. For example, in civil wars prisoners tend to be killed on the spot rather than taken prisoner (Laqueur 1998).11 Militiamen, the most likely to capture guerrillas, have openly stated that they took no prisoners (AI 1997b: 17). Journalists working in the field have found credible testimonies in support of the thesis that most massacres are organized by the rebels (Leclère 1997; Tuquoi 1997 among others). European foreign ministries believe that it is Islamist guerrillas who are responsible for the massacres (Observer 9 February 1998). Although, it is impossible to know the full truth at this point (see Charef 1998), the assumption that many massacres were committed by the Islamist guerrillas seems plausible and is widely adopted by area experts (Addi 1998: 44) and other authors (Smith 1998: 27). Likewise, the reluctance of the army to intervene and stop some of these massacres is also beyond doubt."
- ^ George Joffe（2004年7月27日時点のアーカイブ）, "Report: Ahmad Zaoui", 3 June 2003, p. 16 : "Under Zouabri, the extremism and violence of the GIA became completely indiscriminate, leader to the horrific massacres of 1997 and 1998 – although, once again, great care must be exercised over these incidents as it is quite clear that the greatest beneficiary from them was the Algerian state. There is considerable indirect evidence of state involvement and some direct evidence as well, which is discussed below." See also Martinez 1998:217: "So might the GIA not be the hidden face of a military regime faced with the need to rearrange its economic resources?"
- ^ Shadow Report on Algeria p. 15. note 27: "Some fundamentalist leaders have attempted to distance themselves from these massacres and claimed that the State was behind them or that they were the work of the State-armed self-defense groups. Some human rights groups have echoed this claim to some extent. Inside Algeria, and particularly among survivors of the communities attacked, the view is sharply different. In many cases, survivors have identified their attackers as the assailants enter the villages unmasked and are often from the locality. In one case, a survivor identified a former elected FIS officials as one of the perpetrators of a massacre. Testimonies Collected by Zazi Sadou."
- ^ Roger Kaplan, "The Libel of Moral Equivalence" in The Atlantic Monthly, August 1998; p.18: "To people who had been watching Algeria's evolution, the assumption that sinister complicities within the Algerian state were involved in the assassinations and massacres was libelous. I thought of Khalida Messaoudi, a forty-year-old former teacher and political activist who went into hiding after being sentenced to die by those who shared the ideology of the killers who descended on Had T'Chekala. Among democratic, humanrights, and feminist organizations very few have expressed support for Messaoudi. In the United States only the American Federation of Teachers has recognized her struggle for human rights. She was condemned for being an impious, Zionist (she is a nonpracticing Muslim), loose, radical woman, and thousands of women in Algeria have been killed for much less. Sixteen-year-old girls, for instance, have been dragged out of classrooms and slaughtered in school yards like sheep because the killers decreed that nubile girls should not be in school. This was the context and the background and the reality. And now, when the world paid attention, it was to suggest the involvement of government death squads."
- ^ "Political Violence And The Prospect Of Peace In Algeria", in Perihelion, journal of the European Rim Policy And Investment Council, April 2003
- ^ Profile: Algeria's Salafist group. BBC News. (14 May 2003) 2008年11月7日閲覧。
- ^ New chief for Algeria's Islamists, Arezki Himeur, BBC News, 7 September 2004.
- ^ Algérie: le "oui" au référendum remporte plus de 97 % des voix, Le Monde, 29 September 2005 （フランス語）
- ^ En Algérie, dans la Mitidja, ni pardon ni oubli, w:Le Monde, 28 September 2005 （フランス語）
- ^ Algeria: New Amnesty Law Will Ensure Atrocities Go Unpunished, International Center for Transitional Justice, Press Release, March 1, 2006
- ^ استفادة 408 شخص من قانون المصالحة وإرهابي يسلم نفسه, El Khabar, 25 September 2006
- ^ [出典無効]Algeria puts strife toll at 150,000 Al Jazeera, Thursday 24 February 2005
- ^ Projet de charte pour la paix et la réconciliation nationale: pas d’impunité au nom de la « réconciliation » !, International Federation of Human Rights, 22 September 2005 （フランス語）
- ^ “Country profile: Algeria”. BBC News. (2008年9月20日). オリジナルの2009年2月16日時点におけるアーカイブ。 2009年2月16日閲覧。
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