These features are hedging, tag question, rising intonations on declaratives, empty adjectives, specialized vocabularies (precise color terms), intensifiers,
hypercorrect grammar, super polite forms, avoidance of strong swear words, and emphatic stress.
The speech of women is characterized by unique linguistic features such as specialized vocabulary, tag questions, intonation, hedges, and
hypercorrect grammar.
You can take this distinction or leave it, but what you don't want to do is go all
hypercorrect and ban "due to" entirely just because some object to it in some instances.
Is it acceptable always to voice them if they are uncertain about the distribution of the devoicing, or would that sound
hypercorrect?
There are instances of a
hypercorrect use of "whom" where the simple "who" is actually correct (20, 136).
intonation,
hypercorrect grammar (e.g., grammatical errors made while
1789) named the rajapadesa (kingdom) syama-daiya (in linear transcription: ai-d-ya) with a
hypercorrect ya which was added to dai because the Siamese thought their autonym originated in sukhodaya.
"The
hypercorrect behavior of the lower middle class is seen as a synchronic indicator of linguistic change in progress." (Labor, 1968: 115) More detailed study of the pronunciation habits in New York City, combined with his former study, contribute to a classic Labor variation modal: the correlation of language use and the user's social status (social variation) and the correlation of language use and stylistic change (stylistic variation).
According to Lakoff, women--specifically, white, middle-class, American women--speak and, more important, are supposed to speak "women's language," which is characterized by "
hypercorrect grammar" and "superpolite forms." (105) Of course, not all women speak "women's language," and not all speakers of "women's language" are white, middle-class women.
Since the focus of this article is not regular pluralization, but the so-called "double plurals" in Dominican, I will not specifically argue for this particular position, but simply adopt the standard view that the V in [es] is derived (Saltarelli 1970; Contreras 1977; Harris 1980; Moyna and Wiltshire 2000) and show how this works in conjunction with the analysis proposed for "double plurals." (5) I do, however, agree with recent proposals (Harris 1999) that the motivation for -e is not "phonological" in a traditional sense, as speakers of Dominican, as well of other dialects, do in fact produce clusters such as [rs] as in, for instance,
hypercorrect forms (e.g.