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  • 慶應義塾大学出版会 2012年 v+327ページ
    岡 克彦
    アジア経済
    2013年 54 巻 1 号 121-124
    発行日: 2013/03/15
    公開日: 2022/09/07
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 慎 斗範
    年報行政研究
    1990年 1990 巻 25 号 127-148
    発行日: 1990/05/25
    公開日: 2012/09/24
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 輸出と為替レートを中心に
    高 賢来
    アジア研究
    2012年 58 巻 1.2 号 33-50
    発行日: 2012/04/30
    公開日: 2014/09/15
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper examines the significance held by the 1950s for the history of the Republic of Korea (ROK)’s postwar economic development. It focuses on points of continuity and discontinuity between the 1950s and the ROK’s economic development from the 1960s onward, from the perspective of the US Eisenhower administration’s (1953–1961) policy toward the ROK and the response of Syngman Rhee’s administration (1948–1960). In this era, the US applied its economic development policy toward Northeast Asia to Japan, Taiwan, and Okinawa, and created the beginnings of postwar economic development in Japan and Taiwan. As a result, similar changes connected to economic development in the 1960s also became visible in Korea. However, the application of the US policy was, as an exception, flawed in the ROK. Since this ‘exceptionality’ appears to relate to the discontinuity between the 1950s and 1960s, this paper seeks to explain the process and reasoning that created this ‘exceptionality’.
    The paper analyzes US–ROK relations in the 1950s in terms of: (i) trade promotion policy in the Eisenhower administration’s economic development policy toward Northeast Asia; (ii) the ROK’s response to US economic development policy; and (iii) the US’s pattern of policy-making.
    The officials from both the US and the ROK recognized the necessity of exporting labor-intensive products and gradually undertook measures to achieve this from the mid-1950s. In addition, US officials in the ROK simultaneously came to recognize the necessity of readjusting the ROK’s exchange rates to a realistic, single rate for export promotion. The Eisenhower administration’s emphasis on trade was one significant reason for these changes in recognition.These changes appear to demonstrate continuity in US–ROK dialog during the process of shifting the ROK’s economic policy to export-led growth in the 1960s. However, US economic development policy in Korea appears flawed when the Korean case is compared with other cases in Northeast Asia.This circumstance resulted from Syngman Rhee’s resistance to the US policy of import-substitution, and its complex intertwinement with US recognition of the need for economic and price stabilization, political instability in the ROK, and the ROK’s standing in the Cold War.
  • -合同経済委員会を中心に-
    林 采成
    歴史と経済
    2016年 58 巻 3 号 28-36
    発行日: 2016/04/30
    公開日: 2018/04/30
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper focuses on the Korea-U.S. Combined Economic Board (CEB), which developed comprehensive policies for the Korean economy after the Korean War, and reconsiders presuppositions about the “development period” by examining economic recovery and stabilization under the American aid program.

    Rehabilitation and stabilization in the Korean economy were achieved through cooperation and opposition between Korea and the U.S. The CEB played a central role in this process. Although it is true that significant differences of opinion occurred over the amount and composition of economic aid, the accumulation and use of counterpart funds, and exchange rates, the MSA programs that integrated economic aid and military assistance ultimately caused more friction than did the philosophies of CEB participants. The result was issues over how Korea and the U.S. would share the economic expenses for post-war rehabilitation.

    Once the exchange rate was adjusted to meet the increase in prices, a system of cooperation between Korea and the U.S. was formulated, including exchanges in manpower, and management of the Korean economy became highly sophisticated. In particular, the Korean government implemented plans that succeeded in stabilizing the economy, enabling long-term maintenance of the exchange rate. In other words, from the mid-1950s on, Korea and the U.S. were able to avoid excessive friction. The introduction of large volumes of aid supplies enabled Korea to implement an array of projects and thereby to return to its prewar production levels, and long-term economic development plans were drawn up with U.S. support with the aim of enhancing Korea’s capacity for economic independence. The Korean government, however, seeking to stay in power, failed to rein in the sharp increase in prices, and was therefore unable to extend exchange-rate adjustments with the U.S. Ultimately, it faced an economic crisis that resulted in the early demise of its long-term economic development plans.

    The above shows that, contrary to the premise of “collapse” and “delay” presented in existing research, the Korean economy of the 1950s did achieve rehabilitation after the war, as well as economic stabilization, and was able to lay the groundwork for the “development period.” Fluctuations in economic aid are not enough to explain the process. That is, the rehabilitation and stabilization of the Korean economy would be impossible without the accumulation of experience and the resulting maturity of administrative capacity.

  • 金 賢九
    アジア研究
    2019年 65 巻 2 号 1-18
    発行日: 2019/04/30
    公開日: 2019/06/05
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper explains the origins of Korea’s political conservatism by examining the emergence and transformation process of ilminism, the governing ideology of the First Republic of Korea (1948–1960). Ilminism was a nationalistic ideology that emphasized the needs and security of the state over those of individuals and classes, and advocated development through the vehicle of a socialist controlled economy, to develop and protect the nation and the state.

    The First Republic emerged as the tensions of the Cold War were intensifying in the Korean Peninsula. Under the rule of the US-supported military government, as right-leaning factions gained ground over the left in the struggle over sovereignty, leftist ideologies all but disappeared in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula. Ultimately, the confrontation between “communism” and “liberalism” was recast as one between “communism” and “anti-communist nationalism,” with three main results. First, the surplus of nationalism and the lack of other ideologies transformed the Cold War confrontation in the region after the liberation, engendering a right-leaning bias in the ideological space of Korean politics. Second, the political establishment mobilized nationalism to maintain the status quo. Third, the dominance of nationalism has inhibited the emergence of liberalism. This process has formed the foundations of Korean political conservatism, wherein the dogmatism of nationalism imposes the notoriety of “anti-communist nationalism” on all diverging ideologies, including liberalism. Therefore, contrary to conventional views that trace southern anti-communist nationalism only to the Korean War, this paper connects the phenomenon to the political dynamics that emerged during the First Republic of Korea.

  • ―半大統領制の議院内閣制的運用―
    北村 貴
    法政治研究
    2019年 5 巻 49-
    発行日: 2019年
    公開日: 2019/06/08
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー
  • 木下 半治
    年報政治学
    1953年 4 巻 69-85
    発行日: 1953/03/14
    公開日: 2009/12/21
    ジャーナル フリー
  • 李 鍾元
    アジア太平洋討究
    2018年 33 巻 19-41
    発行日: 2018/03/20
    公開日: 2022/10/27
    研究報告書・技術報告書 フリー

    American alliance system in Asia is characterized as a unique bundle of bilateral alliances, different from the multilateral collective defense organization in Europe. Why is there no NATO in Asia? To answer the question, scholars in the field of diplomatic history and international relations have debated diverse aspects of the system and its origins. Diplomatic historians tend to focus on the legacy of historical experiences of war and colonization in the form of deep mistrust and suspicion of the regional states against Japan in the postwar Asia-Pacific. While neo-realists emphasize the structural factors such as distribution of power and power gap among regional states, constructivists look to collective identities and norms such as sovereignty and non-intervention.

    Agreeing with major findings of historical studies, this article aims to introduce a logical and theoretical framework to put actions and reactions taken by the reginal states, with a focus on Syngman Rhee’s South Korea, vis-à-vis the American design to form regional alliance system in a broader perspective. Usually, President Rhee’s anti-Communist and anti-Japanese policies are described as emotional and irrational. This article suggests that his aggressive Cold War policy was in close coalition with “rollbackers” in the US. By focusing on the structure, this article intends to shed a new light on the interaction between anti-communist and anti-Japanese policies during Rhee administration.

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