Full text of "Voltaire's Essay on epic poetry; a study and an edition"

See other formats

Voltaire's  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry 


A  STUDY  AND  AN  EDITION 


A  DISSERTATION 

Presented  to  the  Faculty  of  Bryn  Mawr  College  in  partial 

Fulfilment  of  the  Requirements  for  the  Degree 

of  Doctor  of  Philosophy 


BY 

FLORENCE  DONNELL  WHITE 
1915 


Albany,  N.  Y. 

The  Brandow  Printing  Co. 

1915 


303 


601711 

n  .5,. 


FOREWORD 

The  subject  of  this  dissertation  was  suggested  to  me  in  1906 
by  Mr.  Lucien  Foulet,  at  that  time  professor  of  French  in  Bryn 
Mawr  College.  Under  him  the  work  was  begun.  I  wish  to 
express  my  warm  appreciation  of  his  stimulating  advice  and 
interest. 

I  worked  upon  the  subject  in  Paris  and  in  London  in  the 
summers  of  1907  and  1911.  In  1913,  since  Mr.  Foulet  had  left 
America  some  years  before,  Professor  A.  Schinz,  now  head  of 
the  Department  of  French  at  Smith  College,  under  whom  I  had 
worked  in  another  field  at  Bryn  Mawr,  was  kind  enough  to  take 
over  the  direction  of  my  dissertation  at  the  request  of  the  Grad 
uate  Committee  of  Bryn  Mawr.  I  am  the  more  appreciative  of 
his  courtesy  in  doing  so  since  he  is  not  a  specialist  in  Voltaire. 
In  the  direction  of  this  work  he  has  given  his  attention  particu 
larly  to  form  and  presentation  of  the  subject-matter.  I  have  to 
thank  him  for  unfailing  kindness  and  much  helpful  criticism.  I 
am  also  indebted  to  Dr.  S.  C.  Chew  Jr.  of  the  Department  of 
English  of  Bryn  Mawr  for  valuable  suggestions. 


PREFACE 

In  the  year  1727,  while  Voltaire  was  living  in  England,  a  small 
volume  was  issued  by  a  London  book-seller,  under  the  title:  An 
Essay  upon  the  Civil  Wars  of  France,  extracted  from  curious  Manu 
scripts  and  also  upon  the  Epick  Poetry  of  the  European  Nations, 
from  Homer  down  to  Milton,  by  Mr.  de  Voltaire.  It  passed  through 
several  editions  in  England  and  Ireland  between  1727  and  1761. 
Despite  the  use  of  the  singular  "  Essay,"  the  title  makes  it  clear 
that  there  were  two  distinct  pieces  of  work.  Both  were  trans 
lated  into  French  and  published,  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  in  Paris 
in  1728,  that  on  the  civil  wars  of  France  at  The  Hague  in  1729. 

The  French  translation  of  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  was  re 
printed  with  Voltaire's  Henriade  in  an  edition  of  his  works, 
Amsterdam,  1732.  The  following  year,  however,  when  he  pub 
lished  the  Henriade  separately,  the  author  replaced  the  translated 
essay  by  a  French  version  of  his  own  making,  which  he  announced 
as  quite  different  from  the  English  and  adapted  to  the  taste  of 
the  French  public.  This  version,  together  with  the  original  trans 
lation  of  the  Essay  upon  the  Civil  Wars,  is  to  be  found  in  standard 
editions  of  Voltaire's  works  immediately  after  the  Henriade. 

In  their  English  form  the  essays  are  difficult  of  access  and 
therefore  little  known.  That  they  were  even  more  inaccessible 
in  the  past  may  be  seen  from  the  fact  that  three  scholars  writing 
in  London  or  in  Paris  in  1778,  1807  and  1828  respectively,  dis 
cussed  in  detail  a  point  in  the  English  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry 
which  a  glance  at  the  text  in  question  would  have  elucidated.1 
One  of  them,  Beuchot,  the  accomplished  editor  of  the  1828  edi 
tion  of  Voltaire,  felt  called  upon  to  adduce  evidence  that  an 
English  version  of  the  two  essays  had  actually  appeared.2  Al 
though  these  essays  have  been  not  infrequently  cited,  and  even 
quoted  by  a  few  modern  writers,  notably  Ballantyne,3  no  study 
of  them  has  been  made. 


1  Cf.  p.  96,  note  5,  post. 

2  Cf.  Oeuvres  de  Voltaire,  Gamier  freres,  VIII,  pp.  264,302,  note  4.     All  refer 
ences  to  Voltaire's  works  other  than  the  letters  of  the  years  1726-1729  and  the 
Lettres  philosophiques  are  to  this  edition,  unless  otherwise  specified. 

3  Ballantyne,  Voltaire's  Visit  to  England,  pp.  123  ff. 


VI  PREFACE 

Written  by  a  Frenchman  who  had  been  in  England  but  a  year 
and  a  half  and  at  a  period  when  few  Frenchmen  learned  English, 
their  most  obvious  interest  is  linguistic.  Less  evident  but  in 
reality  more  important  than  the  question  of  the  language  is  that 
of  the  content.  In  this  respect  the  Essay  on  the  Civil  Wars,  a 
brief  historical  treatise,  although  of  considerable  interest,  has 
naturally  less  to  offer.  Furthermore  it  can  be  read  in  the  French 
translation  in  Voltaire's  works,  whereas  the  translation  of  the 
Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  has,  like  the  English  original,  become  very 
rare.  The  latter  is  therefore  the  more  interesting  of  the  two 
essays  and  it  is  to  it  that  our  discussion  will  be  confined. 

Many  critics,  aware  of  the  existence  of  the  English  Essay, 
have  assumed  that  the  French  and  the  English  versions  were  in 
the  main  identical.  As  a  matter  of  fact  they  differ  markedly 
in  places  and  furnish  an  unusual  opportunity  for  the  comparison 
of  certain  of  Voltaire's  views  in  1727,  the  period  when  he  was 
becoming  acquainted  with  English  ideas,  with  those  he  held  on 
the  same  subjects  several  years  after  his  return  to  France,  as  well 
as  of  the  forms  under  which  he  thought  best  to  present  those 
views  to  two  different  nations. 

The  ideas  in  the  Essay  are  in  themselves  of  real  importance. 
We  have  here  an  early  example  of  what  Joseph  Texte  has  called 
literary  cosmopolitanism:  brief  and  informal  criticisms  of  Homer, 
Virgil,  Lucan  and  of  certain  modern  poets,  Italian,  Spanish, 
Portuguese  and  English,  at  a  time  when  the  study  of  compara 
tive  literature  was  rare  in  France. 

Moreover,  the  essays,  both  English  and  French,  are  intimately 
connected  with  the  author's  own  epic,  the  Henriade,  which  was 
his  chief  interest  for  many  years  and  was  long  considered  his 
foremost  claim  to  immortality. 


This  dissertation  concerns  itself  with  the  circumstances  of  the 
publication  of  the  English  essays,  chapter  I;  with  Voltaire's  use 
of  English,  chapter  II;  with  the  French  translation  of  the  Essay 
on  Epic  Poetry,  chapter  III;  with  Voltaire's  French  version  of 
the  Essay,  chapter  IV;  with  the  content  of  the  English  version, 
chapter  V.  It  also  includes  the  republication  of  the  text  of  the 
Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  according  to  the  edition  of  1727,  with  notes 
and  an  appendix. 


PREFACE  Vll 

For  any  investigation  having  to  do  with  Voltaire's  stay  in 
England  the  way  has  been  paved  by  the  work  of  Baldensperger, 
Ballantyne,  Churton  Collins,  Foulet  and  Lanson,  dealing  with 
that  significant  part  of  the  French  author's  life  of  which  little 
was  known  in  former  years.  In  this  field  Gustave  Desnoiresterres 
may  be  called  a  pioneer. 

For  the  complete  titles  of  all  the  works  to  which  reference  is 
made  in  this  dissertation  see  the  bibliography  following  the 
appendix. 


CHAPTER  I 


Immediate  cause  of  Voltaire's  journey  to  England — His  intention  of 
publishing  the  Henriade  there — Voltaire  in  England,  1726  and 
1727 — Efforts  to  gather  subscriptions  for  the  Henriade — The 
English  essays  intended  to  predispose  the  British  public  in  favor 
of  the  poem — Date  of  publication  of  the  essays — Editions. 

Before  discussing  the  publication  of  the  English  essays,  it  is 
well  to  recall  why  Voltaire  went  to  England. 

The  immediate  reason  for  his  leaving  France  was  his  quarrel 
with  the  Chevalier  de  Rohan-Chabot  and  the  difficulties  in 
which  it  involved  him.  Foulet  has  shown  that  the  quarrel  dates 
from  the  latter  part  of  the  month  of  January,  1726. *  At  that 
time  Voltaire  was  thirty-one  years  of  age.  He  was  extremely 
prosperous  and  indeed  he  had  never  known  more  than  temporary 
financial  embarassment.2  Since  his  school  days  he  had  been 
associated  with  members  of  the  nobility,  many  of  whom  were 
apparently  his  warm  friends.  His  daring  wit  made  him  a  favorite 
in  the  pleasure-loving  society  of  the  time  and  he  had  every  reason 
to  consider  himself  on  a  firm  footing  of  equality  with  persons  far 
above  him  in  rank.  He  had  acquired  literary  renown  as  the  author 
of  a  successful  tragedy,  Oedipe,  and  of  an  epic  poem  which  was 
thought  to  be  on  a  plane  with  the  Iliad  and  the  Aeneid  and  to 
have  made  good  a  marked  deficiency  in  French  literature.  It  is 
true  that  he  had  more  than  once  been  exiled  from  Paris  but  under 
circumstances  that  had  in  no  wise  injured  his  social  position  and 
had  only  added  to  his  reputation  for  audacious  wit  and  to  his 
renown  in  general.  The  same  may  be  said  of  his  eleven  months' 
imprisonment  in  the  Bastille,  May,  1717 — April,  1718,  under  the 
charge  of  writing  a  satire  against  the  government.  At  the  period 
in  which  we  are  interested  Voltaire  seems  to  have  been  justified 
in  believing  his  position  secure. 

1  Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  219.     All  references  to  the  letters  of  Voltaire  falling  between 
the  dates  February  4,  1726  and  April  18,  1729  will  be  made  to  this  edition. 
1  Cf.  Lanson,  Voltaire,  pp.  20  ff . 


2  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

For  that  reason  the  events  of  the  first  months  of  1726  were  a 
revelation  to  him.  The  beginnings  of  the  quarrel  between  Vol 
taire  and  the  Chevalier  de  Rohan-Chabot  were  insignificant. 
Heated  words  passed  between  them  at  the  Opera,  and  again  a 
few  days  later  at  the  Comedie  franchise.  They  became  so  angry 
as  nearly  to  engage  in  a  hand  to  hand  combat.  Very  shortly 
after,  when  Voltaire  was  one  day  dining  with  the  Due  de  Sully, 
he  was  called  to  the  door  and  soundly  beaten  by  hirelings  of  the 
Chevalier. 

When  this  became  known,  what  was  Voltaire's  astonishment 
to  find  himself  deserted  by  practically  all  his  associates,  who 
were  unwilling  to  side  with  a  bourgeois  poet  in  his  quarrel  with 
a  nobleman,  although  that  poet  had  been  their  intimate  friend 
for  many  years  and,  in  the  latest  development  of  the  quarrel, 
had  been  distinctly  ill-treated.  Voltaire  was  in  a  position  to 
appreciate  thoroughly  and  for  the  first  time  the  inequality  of 
classes  in  France. 

It  is  said  that  he  wished  to  engage  in  a  duel  with  Rohan  but 
was  given  no  opportunity.  The  police  were  ordered  to  prevent 
a  meeting  between  the  two  and  by  way  of  a  final  precaution  the 
poet  was  imprisoned  in  the  Bastille,  April  17,  a  proceeding  calcu 
lated  to  make  him  feel  still  more  keenly  the  lack  of  personal 
liberty  prevailing  in  France  and  the  injustice  of  the  French  social 
order.  About  two  weeks  later  he  was  released  on  the  condition 
that  he  should  leave  Paris  and  remain  at  least  fifty  leagues  distant 
from  the  French  court.1  It  is  now  admitted  that  he  chose  the 
place  of  his  exile  himself.  In  letters  written  from  the  Bastille 
to  a  government  official  Voltaire  asked  permission  to  go  to  Eng 
land.2  This  permission  was  readily  granted,  for  the  government 
was  glad  to  have  him  leave  French  soil.  It  was  natural  that 
he  should  wish  to  withdraw  far  enough  and  for  sufficient  time 
to  allow  the  affair  with  Rohan  to  blow  over.  It  is  not  sur 
prising  that  he  chose  as  a  place  of  refuge  a  country  in  which  his 
interest  had  already  been  aroused  by  English  friends  in  Paris, 
particularly  Lord  Bolingbroke,  and  where  liberty  was  said  to 
prevail. 

1  Fpulet,  Corr.,  p.  18. 

2 Ibid.,  p.  10:  "Je  demande  avec  encor  plus  d'instance  la  permission  d'aller 
incessament  en  Angleterre."  Cf.  also  ibid.,  p.  14. 


THE  PUBLICATION  OF  THE  ENGLISH  ESSAYS  6 

Although  this  incident  was  the  immediate  cause  of  Voltaire's 
crossing  the  channel,  it  appears  that  it  merely  hastened  the  ful 
filment  of  an  intention  he  had  had  for  some  time  in  connection  with 
the  publication  of  his  epic.1  The  poet's  correspondence  previous 
to  1725  shows  that  the  Henriade,  begun  in  1716  or  1717,  had 
been  his  foremost  interest  for  a  number  of  years.  It  was  to 
arrange  for  having  it  printed  that,  in  1722,  he  visited  Holland  and 
spent  several  weeks  at  The  Hague. 

Although  it  celebrated  one  of  France's  great  kings,  the  Henriade, 
because  of  its  bearing  upon  religious  intolerance,  was  displeasing 
to  the  French  government  as  well  as  to  the  Catholic  church.  To 
his  surprise,  Voltaire  had  not  been  able  to  obtain  the  necessary 
"  privilege  "  for  publishing  it  openly.  He  therefore  had  had  an 
edition  printed  hurriedly  and  in  secret  at  Rouen  and  smuggled 
into  Paris  in  December,  1723.  In  this,  its  earliest  and  incom 
plete  form,  the  poem  had  won  great  praise  from  the  public  but 
no  degree  of  approval  from  the  government.  Other  clandestine 
and  unsatisfactory  editions,  issued,  in  some  cases  at  least,  without 
the  author's  knowledge,  had  appeared  during  1723  and  1724. 2 
The  ban  laid  upon  his  poem  had  served  moreover  to  arouse  public 
interest  in  it,  and  Voltaire,  who  was  constantly  working  over 
the  text  and  arranging  for  illustrations,  was  eager  to  publish  a 
complete  and  satisfactory  edition. 

In  a  letter  of  August  or  September,  1725,  he  expresses  his 
intention  of  issuing  such  an  edition  outside  of  France,  "  a  Londres, 
a  Amsterdam  ou  a  Geneve."  3  Foulet  has  suggested  that  Geneva 
was  mentioned  in  this  connection  merely  out  of  compliment  to 
the  Swiss  gentleman  to  whom  the  letter  was  addressed.4  The 
poet's  choice,  then,  lay  between  Amsterdam  and  London.  Now 
both  Lord  Bolingbroke,  whom  Voltaire  had  known  well  in  Paris, 
and  Pope,  to  whom  a  copy"  of  the  poem  had  been  sent  in  1724, 
had  praised  the  Henriade  highly.5  Moreover,  because  of  the  tale 
of  Henry  IV's  visit  to  England  and  the  part  played  by  Queen 
Elizabeth,  the  subject-matter  was  such  as  to  interest  the  English 
more  than  any  other  people  outside  of  France.  It  was  natural 

1  Cf.  Foulet,  Rev.  d'Hist.  litt.,  1906,  pp.  9  ff. 

2  Cf .  Bengesco,  Voltaire,  I,  pp.  99  ff. 

3  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  pp.  107,  108.     This  letter  was  wrongly  dated  by  Moland 
and  redated  by  Foulet,  Rev.  d'Hisl,  litt.,  1906,  p.  6,  note  3. 

4  Ibid.,  p.  7. 

6Cf.  Pope,  Works,  ed.  Elwin  and  Courthope,  VII,  pp.  401-402,  and  Oeuvres 
de  Voltaire,  XXXIII,  p.  84. 


4  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

then  that  the  author  should  have  preferred  England,  as  a  country 
offering  at  the  same  time  liberty  for  publishing  his  poem,  an 
interested  public,  and  influential  patrons. 

The  following  month,  October,  1725,  Voltaire  wrote  to  King 
George  I  of  England  a  letter  recently  published  in  the  Athenaeum: 
"  Sire  il  y  a  longtemps  que  je  me  regarde  comme  un  des  sujets 
de  votre  majeste.  jose  implorer  Sa  protection  pour  un  de  mes 
ouvrages  cest  un  poeme  epique  dont  le  sujet  est  Henri  quatre 
le  meilleur  de  nos  rois  .  .  .  jai  respecte  la  relligion  reformee;  jai  Loue 
1'illustre  Elisabeth  D'angleterre.  jai  parle  dans  mon  ouvrage  auec 
liberte  et  auec  verite.  uous  etes  Sire  le  protecteur  de  Tune  et 
de  1'autre;  et  jose  me  flatter  que  uous  m'accorderez  uotre  roiale 
protection  pour  faire  imprimer  dans  uos  etats  un  ouvrage  qui  doit 
uous  interesser  puisqu'il  est  1'eloge  de  la  vertu  cest  pour  apprendre 
a  la  mieux  peindre  que  je  cherche  auec  empressement  Ihonneur 
de  venir  a  londres  vous  presenter  les  profonds  respects  et  la  re 
connaissance  auec  laquelle  jai  1'honneur  detre  Sire  de  votre 
majeste  le  tres  humble  et  tres  obeissant  et  tres  oblige  Seruiteur."  x 

Foulet  quotes  a  letter  written  by  Lord  Bolingbroke  in  Decem 
ber,  1725,  which  seems  to  indicate  that  Voltaire  had  asked  him 
also  to  lend  his  influence  to  the  publication  of  an  English  edition 
of  the  Henriade.*  In  April,  1726,  asking  permission  to  go  to 
England,  Voltaire  spoke  of  "  1'Angleterre,  ou  je  devois  aller  depuis 
longtemps."  3  At  any  rate  it  is  certain  that  when  he  left  France 
his  chief  concern  was  to  issue  a  satisfactory  edition  of  the 
Henriade.  Both  in  Paris  and  in  London  this  purpose  was  def 
initely  recognized.4 

1  Athenaeum,  January  11,  1913,  p.  45. 

2  Rev.  d'Hist.  litt.,  1906,  p.  8,  quoted  from  Desnoiresterres,  I,  pp.  368-369. 

3  Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  14.     Cf.  p.  2,  note  2,  ante.      It  is  significant  that,  during 
the  weeks  between  his  quarrel  with  Rohan-Chabot  and  his  imprisonment,  when 
Voltaire's  whereabouts  were  unknown,  he  was  reported  to  have  gone  to  Eng 
land.     Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  220. 

Cf.  ibid.,  p.  6  (Debut  d'ayril):    "Je  n' attends  que  ma  convalescence  pour 
abandonner  a  jamais  ce  pays-ci." 

4Cf.  letter  of  Horatio  Walpole  to  Bubb  Dodington,  Paris,  May  29,  1726: 
"Mr.  Voltaire,  a  French  poet.  .  .being  gone  for  England  in  order  to  print  by 
subscription  an  excellent  poem,  called  Henry  IV."  Foulet,  Corr.,  pp.  37-38. 
The  same  statement  occurs  in  a  letter  from  Walpole  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle. 
Ibid.,  p.  41.  Cf.  also  British  Journal,  May  14,  1726:  "  Tis  said  he  [Voltaire] 
will  publish  at  London  a  large  edition  of  his  famous  Poem  of  the  League,  whereof 
we  have  only  an  imperfect  copy."  Quoted  by  Ballantyne,  p.  19. 


THE  PUBLICATION  OF  THE  ENGLISH  ESSAYS  5 

The  date  of  Voltaire's  arrival  in  England  has  been  much 
debated.  It  is  now  generally  accepted  as  about  the  middle  of  May, 
1726.  Of  his  first  weeks  in  the  country  nothing  definite  is  known. 
After  a  hurried  and  secret  trip  to  Paris,  the  poet  established  him 
self  toward  the  middle  of  August  at  Wandsworth,  a  small  town 
near  London,  where  he  was  the  guest  of  the  merchant  Faulkner 
whose  acquaintance  he  had  made  in  Paris.  There  he  lived  in 
retirement  and  spent  his  time  chiefly  in  reading  and  in  study, 
desiring  to  familiarize  himself  with  English  literature  and  English 
institutions.  It  was  probably  late  in  October  or  in  November 
that  he  moved  to  London.1  Early  in  1727  he  was  presented  at 
the  court  of  George  I.  His  letters  seem  to  indicate  that  London 
remained  his  headquarters  until  late  spring.  At  the  end  of  May 
he  was  evidently  in  the  country.  There  are  no  letters  to  give  us 
direct  information  as  to  his  whereabouts  between  June  and  Decem 
ber,  but  in  December  we  find  him  again  in  London.  During  this 
year  he  led  an  active  life,  mingling  with  people  of  various  classes, 
parties  and  professions,  and  probably  paying  visits  in  numerous 
English  homes.  Before  summer  he  had  made  the  acquaintance 
of  both  Pope  and  Swift,  the  two  living  English  writers  whom  he 
most  admired. 


The  letters  of  this  early  period  show  that  Voltaire  had  the 
Henriade  constantly  in  mind.  In  August,  1726,  he  writes  to 
Thieriot  in  a  melancholy  strain:  "  Si  le  caractere  des  heros  de 
mon  poeme  est  aussi  bien  soutenu  que  celui  de  ma  mauvaise 
fortune,  mon  poeme  assurement  reussira  mieux  que  moi."  2  In 
the  letter  of  October  15  we  read:  "  I  had  a  mind  at  first  to  print 
our  poor  Henry  at  my  own  expenses  in  London,  but  the  loss  of 
my  money  is  a  sad  stop  to  my  design:  I  question  if  I  shall  try  the 
way  of  subscriptions  by  the  favour  of  the  court."  3  We  have  definite 
evidence  of  the  carrying  out  of  this  idea  in  a  letter  from  M.  de 
Broglie,  French  ambassador  in  England,  to  M.  de  Morville,  March 
3,  1727:  "  Le  S.  de  Voltaire  .  .  .  est  prest  a  faire  imprimer  a 
Londres,  par  souscription  son  poeme  de  la  Ligue.  II  me  sollicite 
de  lui  procurer  des  souscrivants,  et  M.  de  Walpole  s'employe  de 

1  Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  70,  note  1. 
*Ibid.,  p.  43. 
3  Ibid.,  pp.  60-61. 


6  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

son  cote"  tout  de  son  mieux  pour  tacher  de  luy  en  faire  avoir  le  plus 
grand  nombre  qu'il  sera  possible."1  It  appears  that  during  the  year 
1727  Voltaire  was  active  in  his  own  cause  and  that  his  efforts 
were  being  supplemented  by  friends  and  acquaintances.  In 
December,  1727,  he  writes  to  Swift:  "  Can  I  make  bold  to  intreat 
you  to  make  some  use  of  yr  interest  in  Ireland  about  some  subscrip 
tions  for  the  Henriade,  which  is  almost  ready  and  does  not  come 
out  yet  for  want  of  little  help.  The  subscriptions  will  be  but 
one  guinea  in  hand."2 


In  the  letter  just  quoted  occurs  the  first  allusion  to  the  English 
essays  to  be  found  in  Voltaire's  correspondence:  "  You  will  be 
surprised  in  receiving  an  English  essay  from  a  French  travel 
ler."  3  The  fact  that  the  writer  sends  Swift  this  little  volume 
at  the  same  time  with  an  urgent  request  for  subscriptions  for  his 
epic,  would  suggest  on  the  face  of  it  a  connection  between  the 
essays  and  the  enterprise  in  question.  This  connection  is  def 
initely  expressed  in  a  passage  occurring  at  the  end  of  the  Adver 
tisement  to  the  reader  preceding  the  essays  in  the  edition  of  1727: 
"As  to  this  present  Essay,  it  is  intended  as  a  kind  of  Preface  or 
Introduction  to  the  Henriade,  which  is  almost  entirely  printed, 
nothing  being  wanting  but  the  printing  of  the  Cuts."4 

Despite  the  efforts  of  the  poet  and  his  friends,  the  complete 
edition  of  the  Henriade  which  he  had  so  long  desired  to  publish 
was  still  delayed  for  lack  of  sufficient  subscriptions.  The  fore 
most  reason  for  the  publication  of  the  essays  is  thus  very  evident 
and  eminently  practical.  Keen  business  man  that  he  was,  Vol 
taire  meant  them  to  serve  as  an  advertisement.  It  was  not  mere 
chance  that  the  subjects  of  the  two  essays  particularly  fitted 
them  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  Henriade,  one  of  them  dealing 
with  the  civil  and  religious  wars  of  France,  the  very  wars  described 
in  the  poem,  and  the  other  with  epic  poetry,  the  class  of  literature 
to  which  the  poem  belonged.  The  second  essay  called  attention 

1  Foulet,  Corr.,  pp.  86-87. 

2  Ibid.,  pp.  110-112.     This  letter  appears  in  the  Gamier  edition  of  Voltaire's 
correspondence   (XXXIII,  p.   175)  in  a  rather  inaccurate  French  translation 
with  no  indication  of  the  original's  having  been  written  in  English. 

3  The  manuscript  copy  of  this  letter,  preserved  in  the  British  Museum,  bears 
the  words,  probably  in  Swift's  handwriting,  "  in  receiving  an  English  essay, 
Monsr.  de  Voltaire,  Dec.  14,  1727,"  and  "  Monsieur  Voltaire,  Received]  Decemb. 
21st,  1727."     Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  109,  note  (a). 

4  Cf .  p.  77,  post. 


THE  PUBLICATION  OF  THE  ENGLISH  ESSAYS  7 

in  a  flattering  way  to  the  fact  that,  while  France,  almost  alone 
among  European  nations  had  no  such  poem,  England  on  the 
contrary,  boasted  a  model.  At  various  points  the  author  lays 
emphasis  upon  those  characteristics  of  poets  and  poems  which 
the  reader  recognizes  as  having  their  counterpart  in  the  Henriade, 
a  method  of  influencing  the  critic  in  favor  of  the  poem  which  was 
about  to  appear.1 

The  real  purpose  of  the  volume  was  at  once  recognized  and 
interest  in  the  Henriade  was  aroused.  This  is  shown  by  the 
following  item  which  appeared  in  January,  1728,  in  an  English 
magazine,  The  Present  State  of  the  Republick  of  Letters:  "We 
also  hope  every  day  to  see  Mr.  De  Voltaire's  Henriade.  He  has 
greatly  raised  the  expectation  of  the  curious,  by  a  beautiful  Essay 
he  has  lately  published  upon  the  Civil  Wars  of  France  (which  is 
the  subject  of  his  Poem),  and  upon  the  Epic  Poets  from  Homer 
down  to  Milton."  2 

The  publication  of  the  essays  and  the  appeal  to  Swift  bore 
good  fruit,  for  in  February  an  advertisement  of  the  Henriade 
was  printed  in  London  newspapers  and  in  March  the  quarto 
edition  of  the  poem  appeared  with  a  dedication  to  Queen  Caro 
line.3  There  was  a  list  of  nearly  three  hundred  and  fifty  English 
and  Irish  subscribers  headed  by  the  King  and  Queen.  This 
edition  was  a  great  success  financially  and  otherwise.  Other  and 
less  expensive  editions  were  published  in  London  later  in  the 
year."  4 

But  quite  apart  from  the  motive  just  discussed,  which  must, 
it  is  true,  have  determined  the  subject-matter  in  great  measure, 
we  may  recognize  in  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  a  real  desire  to 
make  a  contribution  to  what  is  now  called  comparative  litera 
ture  and  to  open  men's  eyes  to  its  value.  As  early  as  1722  Vol 
taire  had  felt  the  necessity  of  taking  into  account  the  different 
"  geniuses"  of  different  nations  before  passing  judgment  on  their 
literature.5  This  idea  is  expressed  in  various  ways  in  the  text 

1  Cf.  pp.  56,  60,  post. 

2  Quoted  by  Ballantyne,  p.  149. 

3  King   George  II  and  Queen   Caroline  came  to  the  throne  in  June,   1727. 
Cf.  Bengesco,  I,  p.  103.     Bengesco  speaks  of  this  dedication  as  addressed  to 
Queen  Elizabeth,  a  mistake  due,  perhaps,  to  the  fact  that  the  "  great  Elizabeth  " 
is  mentioned  in  its  opening  sentence. 

*  Cf.  ibid. 

6  Cf.  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  p.  84:  "  II  [Bolingbroke]  possede  Virgile  comme 
Milton;  il  aime  le  po£sie  anglaise,  la  francaise,  et  1'italienne;  mais  il  les  aime 
diffe'remment,  parcequ'il  discerne  parfaitement  leurs  differents  g^nies." 


8  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

of  the  essay  itself  and  the  mere  bringing  together  of  poets  of 
various  nations  was  a  step  toward  its  realization. 


The  date  of  the  publication  of  the  essays  may  be  determined 
approximately.  They  had  already  appeared  December  14  (o.  s.), 
1727,  when  Voltaire  wrote  to  Swift.  Additional  evidence  is  found 
at  the  beginning  of  the  Advertisement  to  the  reader,  in  the  sen 
tence:  "  It  has  the  Appearance  of  too  great  a  Presumption  in  a 
Traveller,  who  hath  been  but  eighteen  Months  in  England,  to 
attempt  to  write  in  a  Language,  which  he  cannot  pronounce  at 
all."  l  Eighteen  months  from  the  middle  of  May,  1726, 
which  has  been  accepted  as  the  approximate  time  of  Voltaire's 
arrival  in  England,  would  place  the  writing  of  the  Advertisement 
of  the  English  essays  in  November,  1727.  The  Advertisement  was 
certainly  written  some  time  before  the  volume  appeared  in  print. 
In  view  of  Voltaire's  anxiety  to  secure  subscribers  in  Ireland,  it 
is  probable  that  he  sent  the  essays  to  Swift  immediately  upon 
their  publication.  Since  the  letter  to  Swift  is  dated  December 
14,  it  seems  probable  that  the  first  edition  dates  from  early  in 
December  (o.  s.),  1727. 2 

That  the  essays  had  some  vogue  in  England  is  to  be  inferred 
from  the  number  of  editions  issued.3  Four  of  these  still  exist. 
They  will  be  enumerated  in  the  order  of  their  appearance.  The 
first,  as  just  stated,  was  published  in  London  in  1727;  it  formed 
a  small  octavo  volume  of  130  pages.  The  essay  on  epic  poetry 
begins  on  the  thirty-seventh  page.4  Within  a  few  weeks,  Janu 
ary  8,  1728,  the  London  newspapers  announced  the  second  edi- 

1  Cf .  p.  75,  post. 

2  The  Essays  were  announced  in  the  New  Memoirs  of  Literature  for  the  month 
of  December.     Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  110,  note  1. 

3  Cf.  also  Mercure  de  France,   June,  1728  (an  account  of  the  French  transla 
tion  of  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry) :   "  L'ouvrage  dont  il  s'agit  a  autant  de  succes 
icy  qu'il  en  a  eu  a  Londres." 

4  The  full  title  of  this  edition  reads:   An  Essay  upon  the  Civil  Wars  of  France 
extracted  from  Curious  Manuscripts,  and  also  upon  the  Epick  Poetry  of  the  Euro 
pean  Nations,    from   Homer  down   to   Milton.      By   Mr.   de    Voltaire,    London, 
Printed  by  Samuel  Jallason,  in  Prujean's  Court,  Old  Baily,  and  sold  by  the  Book 
sellers  of  London  and  Westminster,  MDCCXXVII.     Of  this  first   edition   there 
is  preserved  in  the  British  Museum  (show  case  XII)  a  copy  bearing  the  in 
scription  in  Voltaire's  handwriting:    "  to  Sir  hanslone  "  (Hans  Sloan).     From 
the  British  Journal,  Dec.  2,  1727,  it  appears  that  Sir  Hans  Sloan  had,  when 
Voltaire's  essays  appeared,  just  been  elected  President  of  the  Royal  Society 
(of  Science):    "The  same  day  [Nov.  30]  Sir  Hans  Sloan  was  chosen  President 
of  the  Royal  Society  for  the  year  ensuing."     Voltaire  was  elected  a  member 
of  this  society,  Nov.  3,  1742. 


THE  PUBLICATION  OF  THE  ENGLISH  ESSAYS 

tion.1  This  appeared  under  the  same  title  as  the  first  with  the 
further  information  that  Mr.  de  Voltaire  was  "  the  author  of  the 
Henriade"  and  that  the  second  edition  of  his  essays  had  been  cor 
rected  by  himself.2  In  1731,  some  two  years  after  Voltaire's 
return  to  France,  an  edition  of  the  essays  announced  as  the  fourth, 
the  third  of  those  still  existing,  was  published  in  London,  together 
with  a  translation  into  English  of  the  author's  Discours  sur  la 
Tragedie,  the  original  of  which  had  appeared  in  Paris  shortly 
before. 3  The  fourth  of  the  editions  now  accessible  was  published 
in  Dublin  in  1760  with  the  same  title  as  the  others  mentioned, 
but  adding:  "  By  Mr.  de  Voltaire.  To  which  is  prefixed  a  short 
account  of  the  author  by  J.  S.  D.  D.  D.  S.  P.  D."  «  This  series 
of  letters  has  been  considered  to  designate  Jonathan  Swift,  D.D., 
Dean  of  Saint  Patrick's,  Dublin,5  a  supposition  which  is  borne 
out  by  the  account  itself:  "  The  author  of  the  following  Discourse, 
Monsieur  de  Voltaire,  is  a  young  French  Gentleman,  and  allowed 
to  be  the  most  celebrated  Poet  of  that  Kingdom.  He  hath  been 
some  years  composing  an  Heroick  Poem  upon  Henry  the  Great.  But 
being  falsely  accused  for  writing  a  Libel,  he  was  put  into  the 
Bastile,  and  confined  there  in  a  Dungeon  several  Months,  till 
the  true  Author  was  discovered.  He  there  suffered  much  in  his 
Health,  and  having  been  known  to  some  English  persons  of 
Quality  then  at  Paris,  he  was  invited  over  to  England.  His 

1  Daily  Journal  and  Daily  Post.     Cited  by  Ballantyne,  p.  114. 

2  This  edition  was  printed  for  "  N.  Prevost  and  Company  at  the  Ship,  over 
against   Southampton   Street  in  the   Strand,    MDCCXXVII."     The  price  is 
announced  on  the  title  page  as  Is  6d.     Copies  of  this  edition  are  to  be  found 
in  the  British  Museum  (2),  in  the  Bibliotheque  nationale  (2)  and  the  Library 
of  the  University  of  Paris  (1). 

3  The    title,    the  same  as  that  of  the  two  editions  already  discussed,  is  fol 
lowed  by  the  words:    By  Mr.  de  Voltaire,  Author  of  the  Henriade.     The  Fourth 
Edition,  Corrected — To  which  is  now  prefixed  A   Discourse  on   Tragedy — With 
Reflections  on  the   English  and  French   Drama   By  the  same  Author,   London, 
Printed  for    N.    Prevost  and  Company  over  against  Southampton  Street  in  the 
Strand,  MDCCXXXI. 

There  are  two  copies  of  this  edition  in  the  British  Museum.  With  one 
of  them  is  bound  a  criticism  of  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  which  appeared  shortly 
after  the  publication  of  Voltaire's  essays  and  to  which  we  shall  frequently  refer: 
Remarks  upon  M.  Voltaire's  Essay  on  the  Epick  Poetry  of  the  European  Nations, 
Paul  Rolli,  London,  1728;  and  No.  1  of  the  Herculean  Labour  or  the  Aegean 
Stable  cleared  of  its  Heaps  of  Historical,  Philological  and  Geographical  Trumpery 
by  M.  Ozell,  at  the  end  of  which  is  subjoined  the  first  Canto  of  the  Henriade — 
a  translation  we  are  told  "  to  be  continued  if  encouraged." 

4  This   edition   was  printed  for   William  Ross,  Bookseller  in  Grafton  Street, 
Dublin.     There  is  one  copy  of  it  in  the  British  Museum. 

8  Churton  Collins  (V.  M.  R.,  p.  69)  says  simply  in  this  connection  that  the 
introduction  was  erroneously  attributed  to  Swift  since  he  was  not  living  in 
1760. 


10  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Heroick  Poem  is  finished  [in  1728,  according  to  a  foot-note],  and 
now  printing  in  London  by  Subscription,  being  encouraged  by 
the  Crown  and  most  of  the  Nobility.  He  had  not  been  above 
eleven  Months  in  England,  when  he  wrote  the  following  Treatise, 
intended  as  an  Assistance  to  those  who  shall  read  his  Poem,  and 
may  not  be  sufficiently  informed  in  the  History  of  that  Great 
Prince."  Clearly  this  somewhat  inaccurate  account  was  written 
at  the  beginning  of  1728  before  the  publication  of  the  subscription 
edition  of  the  Henriade  in  March.1  It  was  shortly  before  this 
that  Voltaire  had  sent  Swift  a  copy  of  the  first  edition  of  the 
essays  and  had  asked  his  help  in  gathering  subscriptions.2  It  is 
entirely  reasonable  to  suppose  that  Swift  conceived  the  idea  of 
reprinting  the  essays  in  Ireland  as  an  easy  way  of  interesting  the 
Irish  public  in  Voltaire's  epic.  The  tone  of  the  preface  shows 
that  the  writer  wishes  to  advertise  the  poet  and  the  poem.  The 
edition  of  the  essays  published  in  1760,  fifteen  years  after  Swift's 
death,  is  probably  merely  a  reprint  of  a  1728  edition  now  lost.3 
We  have  thus  far  considered  five  editions.  There  is  reason  to 
believe  that  there  was  still  another,  published  between  1728  and 
1731,  probably  earlier  than  1730  (or  in  that  year).  This  conclu 
sion  is  drawn  from  passages  in  prefaces  of  certain  editions  of 
Voltaire's  works,  taken  in  connection  with  the  fact  that  the  1731 
edition  of  the  essay  was  called  the  fourth  when  it  appeared.  In 
the  preface  preceding  a  reprint  of  the  Essai  sur  la  poesie  epigue 
in  an  edition  of  Voltaire's  works  of  1746  we  read:  "On  imprima 
en  effet  a  Londres  un  essai  de  lui  sur  la  Poesie  Epique  en  Anglais, 
et  il  y  en  a  cinq  Editions."4  Granting  that  there  were  already 
five  editions  in  1746,  we  must  acknowledge  the  existence  at  that 
time  of  two  in  addition  to  the  extant  London  editions  of  1727, 
1728  and  1731.  One  of  these  two  may  well  have  been  the  1728 
Dublin  edition.  That  the  other  was  an  edition  published  in 
London  between  1728  and  1730,  or  during  the  latter  year,  seems 
very  likely  from  a  passage  contained  in  the  preface  of  the  1730 


1  Bengesco  (II,  p.  4,  note  2)  says  that  this  account  must  have  been  written 
by  Swift  toward  1731  or  1732.     He  gives  no  reasons  for  this  assumption,  which 
is  entirely  opposed  to  the  evidence. 

2  Cf .  p.  6,  ante. 

3  This  supposition  is  borne  out  by  the  fact  that  the  edition  of   1760  follows 
the  text  of  the  London  edition  of  1727,  the  one  from  which  the  1728  Dublin 
edition  would  have  been  compiled. 

4  Oeuvres  diverses  de  M.  de  Voltaire,  A  Londres,  1746. 


THE  PUBLICATION  OF  THE  ENGLISH  ESSAYS  11 

edition  of  the  Henriade  in  which  mention  is  made  of  "  1'essai  sur 
la  poe"sie  e"pique,  imprime'  plusieurs  fois  a  Londres."  *• 

That  the  English  edition  of  1731  is  called  the  fourth,  although, 
if  we  accept  the  conclusions  above,  four  had  already  appeared, 
is  not  surprising.  It  is  quite  conceivable  that  an  English  pub 
lisher  would  not  take  into  account  the  reprinting  in  Ireland  of 
the  first  edition  of  the  essays.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Irish  edition 
would  naturally  be  included  in  a  summary  of  the  history  of  the 
essays  such  as  that  contained  in  the  preface  of  1746. 2 

1  La    Henriade,    Npuvelle  edition.     A  Londres,   1730.     As  a  matter  of  fact 
this  edition  was  published  in  France  (cf.  Bengesco,  I,  p.  104)  toward  the  month 
of  November.     Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  301;  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  p.  201. 

2  The  inaccurate  statements  concerning  the  original  publication  of  the  Eng 
lish  essays  which  recur  in  editions  of  Voltaire's  works  and  elsewhere,  may  be 
traced  back  to  a  period  surprisingly  near  their  first  appearance.     In  the  pre 
face  to  the  1730  edition  of  the  Henriade  we  read  of  the  "Essay  sur  la  Poesie 
Epique,  compose  en  anglais  par  M.  de  Voltaire  en  1726."     The  same  date  is 
given  in  the  Amsterdam  edition  of  1732,  while  in  that  of  1733  the  essay  is 
spoken  of  as  "  cette  esquisse  qu'il  donna  en  langue  anglaise  en  1728." 

An  example  of  incorrect  assertions  made  by  bibliographers  is  the  state 
ment  of  Wm.  T.  Lowndes,  (The  Bibliographer's  Manual,  London,  1857-64,  X, 
revised  1881-'85,  X,  p.  2791)  that  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  was  published  in 
London  in  1726  and  secondly  that  it  was  published  together  with  the  Essay 
on  the  Civil  Wars  of  France,  in  French  and  in  English  in  1727. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Voltaire's  interest  in  England  and  knowledge  of  English  while  still 
in  France — Evidence  of  his  study  and  use  of  English  during 
his  first  year  in  England — Examination  of  the  language  of  the 
Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  and  of  the  English  letters  of  Voltaire — 
Conclusion  that  the  language  of  the  Essay  is  largely  Voltaire's 
and  that  the  disparaging  comments  of  certain  critics  are  without 
weight. 

It  is  easy  to  understand  Voltaire's  reasons  for  publishing  his 
essays  in  English  rather  than  in  French.  Appearing  in  English, 
they  would  advertise  the  Henriade  more  successfully  since  they 
would  arouse  curiosity  as  to  the  work  of  a  foreigner  and  could 
be  read  by  a  wider  public.  Moreover  they  were  sure  to  bring 
their  author  some  measure  of  the  admiration  he  always  craved. 
The  question  at  once  arises  as  to  how  well  Voltaire  was  fitted 
to  undertake  formal  composition  in  English  and  to  what  extent 
he  worked  independently. 


Had  Voltaire  any  familiarity  with  English  before  he  left  France  ? 
In  the  College  Louis  le  Grand,  young  Arouet  did  not  study  any 
modern  language.1  Although  Frenchmen  of  the  time  often  ac 
quired  some  knowledge  of  Italian  and  Spanish,  English  was,  in 
the  early  years  of  the  eighteenth  century,  "  un  idiome  j  usque-la 
universellement  ignore  et  qu'on  se  faisait  gloire  de  ne  pas 
apprendre."  2 

On  the  other  hand  a  distinct  effort  was  already  being  made  by 
means  of  reviews  and  translations  to  spread  throughout  Europe, 
and  especially  in  France,  English  ideas, — the  knowledge  of  Eng 
lish  science,  philosophy,  and  literature.3  This  propaganda  was 

1  Pierron,  Voltaire  et  ses  Maitres,  pp.  39  ff. 

2  Texte,  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  et  les  Origines  du  Cosmopolitisme  litteraire, 
p.  77. 

1  Ibid.,  pp.  17  ff.  and  p.  42. 


THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY  13 

chiefly  the  work  of  refugees  driven  out  of  France  by  the  Revoca 
tion  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  and  residing  in  England  or  in  Holland. 
So  active  were  they  in  Holland  that  that  country  is  recognized  as 
having  served  in  intellectual  matters  as  an  intermediary  between 
England  and  France.  Now  Voltaire  had  twice  visited  Holland, — 
as  a  young  man,  in  1713,  and  again  in  1722;  he  had  been  asso 
ciated  with  at  least  one  family  of  refugees,1  had  had  dealings  with 
book-sellers,2  and  had  talked  with  many  sorts  of  people.3  Keenly 
curious  in  the  face  of  new  experiences,  there,  as  well  as  in  France, 
he  probably  came  under  the  influence  of  this  more  or  less  organized 
movement  for  the  spreading  of  English  ideas. 

His  interest  thus  aroused  is  sure  to  have  been  furthered  by  his 
acquaintance  in  Paris  with  representative  Englishmen,  particu 
larly  the  exiled  Lord  Bolingbroke.  At  the  end  of  the  year  1722 
Voltaire  visited  Bolingbroke  at  his  country  place,  La  Source,  near 
Orleans.  The  Englishman  spoke  French  extremely  well.  What 
we  know  of  the  topics  he  discussed  with  his  guest  is  significant 
for  one  who  studies  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry.  They  talked  of 
history,  and  of  Italian,  French  and  English  poets,  including  Milton. 
That  Voltaire  already  contrasted  English  learning  with  French 
polish  appears  from  the  sentence  in  which  he  then  characterized 
Lord  Bolingbroke:  "J'ai  trouve*  dans  cet  illustre  Anglais  toute 
1'erudition  de  son  pays  et  toute  la  politesse  du  notre."  4 

His  interest  in  England  and  in  English  literature  would  seem 
to  have  led  the  young  poet  to  acquire  some  familiarity  with  the 
English  language.  This  may  be  inferred  from  a  letter  he  wrote 
to  his  friend,  Cideville,  in  September,  1723,  concerning  Fenton's 
English  tragedy,  Mariamne.  "Quelque  bonne,"  he  says,  "  que 
put  etre  la  traduction  anglaise,  elle  m'aurait  assurement  fait 
moins  de  plaisir  que  votre  lettre.  .  .  .  Vous  devriez  bien 
quelque  jour  venir  a  la  Riviere-Bourdet,  apporter  la  Mariamne 
anglaise,  et  voir  la  frangaise."5  Further  evidence  of  Voltaire's 
ability  to  read  English  may,  perhaps,  be  seen  in  a  letter  of  Pope's. 

1  In  1713  he  had  been  sent  back  to  Paris  from  Holland  because  of  a  love- 
affair  with  the  daughter  of  a  refugee. 

2  Cf.  p.  3,  ante. 

30euvres,  XXXIII,  pp.  73-74:  ("A  la  Haye,  7  octobre,  1722.")  "  J'ai  yu 
avec  respect  cette  ville,  qui  est  le  magasin  de  1'univers.  .  .  .  Je  vois  des  min- 
istres  calvinistes,  des  arminiens,  des  sociniens,  des  rabbins,  des  anabaptistes, 
qui  parlent  tous  a  merveille,  et  qui,  en  verite,  ont  tous  raison." 

4  Ibid.,  p.  84. 

*Ibid.,  p.  90-91.  Foulet  (Rev.  d'Hist.  lilt.,  1906,  p.  12,  note  8)  has  shown 
that  this  letter  should  be  dated  September  rather  than  June,  1723. 


14  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Writing  to  Caryll  in  December,  1725,  a  few  months  before  Vol 
taire  came  to  England,  the  English  poet  spoke  of  having  "  formerly 
had  some  correspondence  about  the  poem  on  the  League  with  its 
author."1  If  such  a  correspondence  took  place  it  seems  likely 
that  Pope's  letters  at  least  would  be  written  in  English  since, 
at  that  very  period,  he  speaks  of  understanding  French  but  im 
perfectly2  while  Voltaire  states  in  the  Lettres  philosophiques  that 
Pope  read  French  with  difficulty,  could  not  speak  a  word,  and 
was  incapable  of  writing  a  French  letter.3 

In  1724  Lord  Bolingbroke  had  returned  to  France  and  in  Feb 
ruary  Voltaire  was  again  with  him  at  Ablon.4  In  April,  writing 
to  Bolingbroke,  Pope  spoke  of  the  "  friendship  and  intimacy  " 
with  which  Bolingbroke  honored  the  young  French  poet.5  This 
renewed  contact  with  the  illustrious  Englishman  must  have  served 

1  Cf.  Pope,  ed.  Elwin  and  Courthope,  VI,  p.  288.  We  have  no  trace  of 
this  correspondence.  It  may  well  have  dated  from  the  year  1724  when  Boling 
broke  sent  Pope  a  copy  of  the  Henriade.  A  passage  in  a  letter  from  Boling 
broke  to  Pope  written  in  February  of  that  year  seems  to  support  this  assump 
tion.  Bolingbroke  speaks  of  Voltaire  "  who  says  that  he  will  introduce  himself 
to  you,  and  that  the  muses  shall  answer  for  him."  The  explanation  of  this 
statement  is  contained  in  the  last  sentence  of  the  letter:  "  But  I  will  say  no 
more  of  it  [Voltaire's  Mariamne],  since  he  intends  to  send  it  to  you."  Cf. 
ibid.,  VII,  p.  398. 

The  entire  sentence  in  the  letter  to  Caryll  reads:  "  I  had  read  the  Mariamne 
before  our  friend  had  sent  it,  having  formerly  had  some  correspondence  about 
the  poem  on  the  League  with  its  author."  It  appears  so  evident  that  Pope  is 
referring  to  two  different  persons  when  he  speaks  of  our  friend  and  the 
author  of  the  League  that  Courthope's  note:  "  Caryll,  it  seems,  brought  over 
as  a  present  from  Voltaire,  a  copy  of  his  Mariamne,"  is  on  the  face  of  it  unsatis 
factory.  On  the  other  hand  the  very  fact  that  Pope  mentions  his  correspond 
ence  with  Voltaire  as  an  explanation  of  his  having  read  Mariamne,  makes  it 
seem  probable  that,  according  to  his  intention  stated  by  Bolingbroke,  the  French 
poet  had  early  in  1724  "  introduced  himself  "  to  Pope  and  sent  him  a  copy 
of  his  tragedy. 

2Cf.  ibid.,  VII,  p.  401,  Letter  to  Bolingbroke,  April  9,  1724:  "  It  is  but  this 
week  that  I  have  been  well  enough  in  my  head  to  read  the  poem  of  the  League 
with  the  attention  it  deserves  ...  I  cannot  pretend  to  judge  with  any  exactness 
of  the  beauties  of  a  foreign  language  which  I  understand  but  imperfectly." 

3  Lanson,  Lettres  phil.,  II,  p.  140,  (variant  first  found  in  1756) :  "  Ce  que 
je  sais,  ainsi  que  tous  les  gens  de  lettres  d'Angleterre,  c'est  que  Pope,  avec  qui 
j'ai  beaucoup  vecu,  pouvait  a  peine  lire  le  Francais,  qu'il  ne  parlait  pas  un  mot 
de  notre  langue,  qu'il  n'a  jamais  ecrit  une  lettre  en  Frangais,  qu'il  en  etait  in 
capable,  &  que  s'il  a  ecrit  cette  lettre  au  fils  de  notre  Racine  il  faut  que  Dieu 
sur  la  fin  de  sa  vie  lui  ait  donne"  subitement  le  don  des  langues  pour  le  recompenser 
d'avoir  fait  un  aussi  admirable  ouvrage  que  son  Essai  sur  I'homme."  Cf.  Rigault, 
Histoire  de  la  querelle  des  anciens  et  des  modernes,  p.  443.  "  Profondement 
vers6  dans  la  langue  francaise,  dont  il  [Pope]  comprenait  les  finesses  les  moins 
accessibles  aux  etrangers,"  an  interesting  contrast  to  Pope's  own  testimony! 

*0euvres,  XXXIII,  p.  83,  wrongly  dated  by  Moland,  "A  la  Source,  1722." 
Cf.  Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  31,  note. 

8  Pope,  VII,  p.  402. 


THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY        15 

to  stimulate  Voltaire's  interest  in  things  English.  In  the  autumn 
of  1725  his  thoughts  were  turned  toward  England  in  connection 
with  the  publication  of  the  Henriade.  So  far  as  his  last  months 
in  France  are  concerned,  it  is  frequently  stated  that,  during  the 
weeks  intervening  between  his  quarrel  with  the  Chevalier  de 
Rohan  and  his  imprisonment,  he  devoted  some  of  his  time  to 
the  study  of  English  and  from  his  own  pen  we  know  that  his 
friend,  Thieriot,  brought  him  English  books  while  he  was  in  the 
Bastille.1  All  this  leads  us  to  conclude  that  when  he  left  France, 
Voltaire  had  at  least  a  reading  knowledge  of  English. 


If  we  put  any  faith  whatever  in  Voltaire's  account  of  his  first 
impressions  of  England,  it  would  appear  that  at  the  time  of  his 
arrival  in  that  country  he  was  able  to  understand  something  of 
what  he  heard  and  to  converse  with  people  whom  he  met,  not  all 
of  whom  could  have  spoken  French.2  Duvernet,  whose  testi 
mony,  though  often  unreliable,  is  interesting  as  that  of  one  of 
Voltaire's  first  biographers,  explains  the  poet's  withdrawal  to 
Wands  worth  by  saying:  "II  se  retira  dans  un  petit  village  et  ne 
rentra  a  Londres  que  lorsqu'il  cut  acquis  une  grande  facilite  a 
s'exprimer."  3  There  is  no  doubt  that  during  this  retirement  he 
spent  much  time  in  the  study  of  English  literature  as  well  as  in 
conversation  with  his  host.  That  he  was  strongly  impressed  with 
the  necessity  of  learning  thoroughly  the  language  of  a  country  in 
order  to  understand  its  literature,  appears  from  a  sentence  con 
tained  in  the  Lettres  philosophiques  in  which  the  writer  recom 
mends  a  course  much  like  that  which  he  himself  followed:  "  Si 
vous  voulez  connoitre  le  Comedie  Anglaise,  il  n'y  a  d'autre  moyen 
pour  cela  que  d'aller  a  Londres,  d'y  rester  trois  ans,  d'aprendre 
bien  1'anglais,  &  de  voir  la  Comedie  tous  les  jours."  4 

A  brief  English  note-book  of  Voltaire's,  discovered  in  Petro- 
grad  and  recently  published,5  belongs  apparently,  from  the  dates 

1  Oeuvres,  XLVIII,  p.  6. 

2  Cf.  Lanson,  Lettres  phil.,  II,  pp.  256  ff.,  Supplement. 

3  Vie  de  Voltaire,  p.  65. 

4  Lanson,   Lettres  phil.,  II,  pp.  109-110.     Voltaire  expressed  at  various  times 
his  idea  of  the  importance  of  learning  the  language  of  other  countries.     Cf. 
p.  70,  post.     Cf.   also   p.   75,   post:    "  I  look  upon  the  English  Language  as  a 
learned  one,  which  deserves  to  be  the  Object  of  our  Application  in  France." 

6  The  English  Review,  February,  1914,  pp.  313  ff. 


16  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

which  occur  at  various  points,  to  the  summer  of  1726. l  Although 
fragmentary  in  style  and  containing  many  peculiarities  of  con 
struction,  it  shows  that  the  author  used  the  written  language 
early  in  his  stay  and  expressed  himself  in  it  comprehensibly.  A 
long  English  letter  of  October,  1726,  to  his  intimate  friend,  Thieriot, 
shows  a  much  better  command,  of  the  language  and  is  significant 
as  an  early  example  of  Voltaire's  custom  of  using  it  in  his  private 
correspondence.2  At  the  time  of  writing  this  letter,  he  evidently 
had  a  considerable  knowledge  of  English  but  he  still  made  ele 
mentary  errors  in  construction,  errors  which  Foulet's  critical  edi 
tion  shows  were  in  several  cases  corrected  later,  either  by  Voltaire 
himself  or  some  other  person.3  In  this  letter  we  have  evidence 
that  the  writer  possessed  a  discriminating  appreciation  of  certain 
English  works,  and  felt  that  familiarity  with  the  language  was 
essential  to  the  full  understanding  of  them.  Speaking  of  Pope 
he  writes:  "  I  hope  you  are  acquainted  enough  with  the  English 
tongue  to  be  sensible  of  all  the  charms  of  his  works.  For  my 
part  I  look  on  his  poem  call'd  the  Essay  upon  criticism  like  on  a 
poem  superior  [corrected  to  as  superior]  to  the  Art  of  poetry  of 
Horace;  and  his  Rape  of  the  lock,  la  boucle  de  cheveux,  [that  is  a 
comical  one],4  is  in  my  opinion  above  the  Lutrin  (de)  of  Des- 
preaux;  I  never  saw  so  amiable  an  imagination,  so  gentle  graces, 
so  great  varyety,  so  much  wit,  and  so  refined  knowledge  of  the 
world."  On  the  other  hand,  that  he  could  blame  as  well  as  praise 
is  seen  from  the  last  sentence  of  the  letter:  "  But  'tis  time  to  put 
a  stop  to  my  English  talkativeness.  I  fear  you  will  take  this 

1  Cf.   The  English  Review  p.  315:   "  Thirty  and  one  of  July  one  thousand  and 
seven  hundred  twenty  and  six,  I  saw  floating  islands  nyre  (near)  St.  Om  ..." 
If  St.  Om  refers  to  St.  Omer,  which  lies  on  the  road  from  Paris  to  Calais  and  is 
built  on  reclaimed  marshland,  this  entry  is  of  real  importance  in  connection  with 
Voltaire's  secret  trip  to  Paris,  the  date  and  circumstances  of  which  have  been 
much  discussed.      P.  316:    "  1726,  in  the  month  of  august."      P.  318:     "  Mr. 
Blwet  told  me  this  day  20  July  that  he  was  married  to  fortune's  daughter,  who 
is  mis'fortune." 

2  Cf.  Foulet,    Corr.,  pp.  142-143,  21  April  (o.  s.),  1728.     "  My  dear   Tiriot, 
I  write  to  you  in  English  for  the  same  reason  that  Abbot  Boileau  wrote  in 
Latin;  I  mean,  that  I  should  not  be  understood  by  many  over-curious  people." 
Cf.  also  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  p.  181.     "  Voici  qui  vous  surprendra,  mon  cher  Thie 
riot;  c'est  une  lettre  en  frangais.     II  me  parait  que  vous  n'aimez  pas  assez  la 
langue  anglaise,  pour  que  je  continue  mon  chiffre  avec  vous." 

3  Foulet,  Corr.,  pp.  53  ff .     For  the  history  of  the  manuscript  of  this  import 
ant  letter  and  of  its  publication,  cf.  ibid.,  pp.  xxxv-xliv. 

4  The  brackets  are  Voltaire's. 


THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY  17 

long  epistle  for  one  of  those  tedious  English  books  that  I  have 
advised  you  not  to  translate."1 

A  letter  to  Pope  of  November,  1726,2  when  Voltaire  was  estab 
lished  at  Lord  Bolingbroke's  house  in  London  is,  if  one  may  judge 
by  the  form  in  which  it  has  come  down  to  us,  a  further  indication 
of  his  proficiency  in  English.  It  was  no  doubt  during  this  winter 
that  the  poet  formed  the  habit,  as  a  definite  means  of  improving 
his  English,  of  going  regularly  to  the  theatre  where  he  followed 
the  play,  text  in  hand.  This  custom  is  described  in  the  General 
History  of  the  Stage  written  by  Chetwood  of  the  Drury  Lane 
Theatre.  "  The  noted  author  about  twenty  years  past  resided 
in  London.  His  acquaintance  with  the  Laureat  brought  him 
frequently  to  the  theatre  where  (he  confess'd)  he  improved  in  the 
English  Orthography  more  in  a  week  than  he  should  otherwise  have 
done  by  labour'd  study  in  a  month.  I  furnished  him  every  evening 
with  the  play  of  the  night  which  he  took  with  him  into  the  Orches 
tra  (his  accustomed  seat).  In  four  or  five  months  he  not  only 
conversed  in  elegant  English  but  wrote  it  with  exact  Propriety."  3 

It  is  likely  that  during  the  summer  of  1727  Voltaire  was  board 
ing  at  the  house  of  a  scarlet-dyer  in  Wandsworth.4  Lanson  has 
reprinted  a  story  which  has  to  do  with  that  period  and  which 
shows  the  French  poet  engaged  in  a  definite  study  of  the  spoken 
language.  The  story  is  told  by  an  apprentice  to  the  schoolmaster 
in  the  parish  of  Wandsworth.  The  passages  which  interest  us 
most  read  as  follows:  "  Voltaire  desired  to  be  improved  in  the 
English  tongue:  and  in  discourse  [with  the  master]5  chanced  to 
fall  on  the  subject  of  water  baptism  [which  was  treated  between 
them],5  till,  for  want  of  understanding  each  other,  they  were  so 
set,  they  could  proceed  no  further.  .  .  .  During  his  stay  at 

1  Voltaire   himself   tells  us  that  he  wrote  the  first  act  of  Brutus  in  English 
prose  while  in  retirement  at  Wandsworth,  "  chez    .     .     .     M.  Falkner,  ce  digne 
et  vertueux  citoyen"   (Discours  sur  la  tragedie,  Oeuvres,  II,  p.  311),  a  statement 
which  seems  to  refer  to  the  year  1726.     Goldsmith  (Works,  IV,  p.  27)  quotes 
what  purports  to  be  an  extract  from  this  English  version,  but  Goldsmith's 
statements  concerning  Voltaire  are  singularly  unreliable. 

2  Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  70. 

3  P.   46,   note.     Cf.  Churton   Collins,  V.M.R.,  p.  22;  Ballantyne   pp.  48-49. 
Lanson  (Leltres  phil.,  II,  p.  92)  reproduces  a  list  of  plays  presented  in  London 
during  Voltaire's  stay  in  England,  beginning  with  Sept.,  1726.     In  a  passage 
in  the    French  version  of  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  Voltaire    refers  to  plays 
which  he  probably  saw  during  the  winter  of  1726-27.     Cf.  also  Genest,  Some 
Account  of  the  English  Stage,  III,  pp.  184-196. 

4  Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  93,  note  2. 

5  These  phrases  are  bracketed  in  the  text. 


18  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

the  scarlet  dyer  [sic]  in  Wandsworth,  I  had  to  wait  on  him  several 
times,  and  heard  him  read,  in  the  Spectator  chiefly.  At  other  times 
he  would  translate  the  Epistle  of  Robert  Barclay."  l 

Only  seven  of  Voltaire's  letters  of  the  year  1727  have  been 
preserved.  It  is  significant  that  of  these  seven,  four  are,  with  the 
exception  of  two  or  three  sentences,  written  in  English.2  A  fifth 
closes  with  an  English  paragraph.3  In  this  paragraph  and  in 
three  of  the  letters,  since  the  manuscripts  exist,  we  are  sure  of 
having  the  original  form  of  the  English.  It  is  clear,  forceful  and 
idiomatic  with  only  occasional  slips,  showing  a  marked  improve 
ment  upon  that  of  the  letter  of  October,  1726.  A  few  quotations 
will  serve  to  show  the  writer's  interest  in  the  language  and  his 
ability  to  use  it:  "I  am  mightily  glad  for  your  [Thieriot's]  im 
provement  in  English;  I  hope  you  won't  take  hereafter  the  Rape 
of  the  lock  pour  une  serrure;  but  remember  that  there  is  no  other 
way  to  get  the  true  English  pronuntiation  than  to  come  over 
into  England."  4  "I  advise  you  to  sit  still  for  a  month  or  two, 
to  take  care  of  your  health,  and  to  improve  your  English  till  the 
book  of  Mr.  Pemberton  comes  out."  5  "  There  you  [Swift]  will 
find  two  or  three  of  my  intimate  friends  who  are  yr  admirers  and 
who  have  learn'd  English  since  I  am  in  England."  6  "  It  was 
indeed  a  very  hard  task  for  me  to  find  the  damn'd  book  which 
under  the  title  of  Improvement  of  Humane  Reason  is  an  example 
of  nonsense  from  one  end  to  the  other,  and  which  besides  is  a 
tedious  nonsense  and  consequently  very  distasteful  to  the  French 
nation  who  dislikes  madness  itself  when  madness  is  languishing 
and  flat.  The  book  is  scarce,  because  it  is  bad,  it  being  the  fate 
of  all  the  wretch'd  books  never  to  be  printed  again.  So  I  spent 
almost  fortnight  in  the  search  of  it,  till  at  last  I  had  the  misfor 
tune  to  find  it.  ...  Indeed  you  deserve  to  read  it  to  do  penance 
for  the  trouble  you  gave  me  to  enquire  after  it,  for  the  tiresome 
perusal  I  made  of  some  part  of  this  whimsical  stupid  performance, 
and  for  your  credulity  in  believing  those  who  gave  you  so  great 

Hanson,  Lettres  phil.,  I,  pp.  20-21. 

2  Foulet,  Corr.,  pp.  88  ff.,  93  ff.,  101  ff.,  109  ff. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  85. 

4  Ibid.    It  appears    that   Voltaire   himself  had  considerable  difficulty   with 
the  pronunciation  of  English.      Cf.  p.  75,  post,  where  he  speaks  of  English  as 
a  "  Language  which  he  cannot  pronounce  at  all,  and  which  he  hardly  under 
stands  in  Conversation." 

5  Ibid.,  p.  96. 

s  Ibid.,  p.  103. 


THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY  19 

an  idea  of  so  mean  a  thing."  1  That  Voltaire  made  opportunities 
for  practice  in  writing  English  is  further  seen  in  a  sentence  at  the 
end  of  this  letter  in  which  he  speaks  of  having  recently  sent  an 
English  theme  to  the  Chevalier  des  Alleurs  in  Paris.2 


From  all  this  evidence  it  is  reasonable  to  conclude  that,  at 
the  end  of  the  year  1727,  Voltaire  was  capable  of  writing  for  pub 
lication  in  English.3  There  remains  the  question  as  to  the  measure 
of  assistance  he  received  from  the  English  friend  to  whom  one 
may  assume  he  submitted  his  manuscript. 

In  his  correspondence  and  elsewhere  Voltaire  conveys  the  im 
pression  that  he  was  wholly  responsible  for  the  language  of  the 
essays  published  under  his  name.  His  statements  take  for  the 
most  part  the  form  of  apologies.  One  such  apology  appears  in 
the  Advertisement  to  the  reader  already  quoted.4  Another  occurs 
in  the  letter  to  Swift  written  shortly  after,  in  the  characteris 
tically  flattering  words:  "  Pray  forgive  an  admirer  of  you  who 
ows  to  yr  writings  the  love  he  bears  to  yr  language,  which  has 

1  Foulet,  Corr.,  pp.  88-89.     It  is    worth  noticing  in  this  connection  that  the 
brief  English  poem  which  Voltaire  wrote,  probably  to  Lady  Hervey,  has  been 
dated  1727.     Oeuvres,  X,  p.  607  and  note. 

2  Ibid.,  pp.  98-99. 

3  As  ex  post  facto  evidence  may  be  cited  nine  English  letters  written  by  Vol 
taire  during  the  remaining  months  of  his  stay  in   England  (Foulet,  Corr.,  pp. 
113,  114,  122,  134,  142,  150,  154,  165,  168),  the  English  dedication  to  Queen 
Caroline  contained  in  the  1728  edition  of  the  Henriade  (ibid.,  p.  118),  and  two 
special  notices  of  some  length  contributed  to  the  London  Daily  Post  in  con 
nection  with  the  publication  of  this  edition  (ibid.,  pp.  126,  131).     Notes  for  the 
history  of  Charles  XII  taken  in  English  are  preserved  in  the  Bibliotheque 
nationale  (Bengesco,  I,  p.  376).     Churton  Collins  (V.M.R.,  p.  55)  speaks  of 
having  seen  in  a  private  collection  in  England  a  note-book  of  Voltaire's  con 
taining  English  as  well  as  French  notes. 

Shortly  after  his  return  to  France  Voltaire  went  so  far  as  to  declare  that 
he  found  difficulty  in  writing  French,  so  accustomed  had  he  become  to  the  use 
of  English.  This  statement  occurs  in  the  Discours  sur  la  Tragedie,  Oeuvres,  II, 
pp.  311-312:  "Je  vous  avoue,  mylord  [Bolingbroke],  qu'a  mon  retour  d'Angleterre, 
ou  j'avais  passe  pres  de  deux  ann6es  dans  une  6tude  continuelle  de  votre  langue, 
je  me  trouvai  embarrasse  lorsque  je  voulus  composer  une  tragedie  francaise. 
Je  m'e'tais  presque  accoutume1  &,  penser  en  anglais;  je  sentais  que  les  termea 
de  ma  langue  ne  venaient  plus  se  presenter  a  mon  imagination  avec  la  meme 
abondance  qu'auparavant:  c'etait  comme  un  ruisseau  dont  la  source  avait  6t6 
d6tournee;  il  me  fallut  du  temps  et  de  la  peine  pour  la  faire  couler  dans  son 
premier  lit." 

Voltaire  continued  his  interest  in  the  English  language,  as  well  as  in  Eng 
lish  things  in  general,  throughout  his  life.  His  correspondence  of  later  years 
contains  English  letters,  addressed  for  the  most  part  to  Thieriot  and  Falkner. 
At  Ferney  he  received  many  English  visitors  and  often  conversed  with  them 
in  their  own  language. 

4  P.  8,  ante.     Cf.  pp.  75,  88-89,  post. 


20  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

betray'd  him  into  the  rash  attempt  of  writing  in  English."1 
Again  at  the  end  of  March,  1728,  Voltaire  writes  to  an  unknown 
correspondent:  "  I  have  been  tempted  to  send  you  an  essay  of 
mine  which  I  have  been  bold  enough  to  print  in  English  above 
two  months  ago."  2  In  a  letter  written  some  five  years  later, 
he  returns  to  the  same  subject:  "Mais  si  vous  aviez  ete  deux  ans, 
comme  moi,  en  Angeleterre,  je  suis  sur  que  vous  auriez  etc"  si  touche* 
de  1'energie  de  cette  langue  que  vous  auriez  compose*  quelque 
chose  en  anglais."  3 


These  personal  statements,  assuming  as  they  do  that  Voltaire 
received  little  or  no  assistance,  require  the  support  of  internal 
evidence.  What  can  be  learned  from  an  examination  of  the  text 
of  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  f  Voltaire  speaks  of  this  essay  as 
"  a  slight  performance  "  which  is  "  but  the  sketch  of  a  very 
serious  work,"  4  and  indeed  its  charm  lies  in  the  fact  that  it  is 
entirely  unpretentious  and  everywhere  simple,  clear  and  direct. 
It  could  easily  enough  be  the  work  of  a  foreigner  of  unusual  ability 
who  had  a  thorough  grasp  of  English  construction. 

There  is  naturally  much  which  differs  from  present-day  idiom. 
It  is  not  to  be  expected  that  the  language  will  reveal  actual  errors 
of  importance  since  it  is  almost  certain  that  the  manuscript  was 
more  or  less  carefully  read  by  an  English  friend  of  the  author. 
There  remain,  however,  many  words  and  phrases,  which  in  them 
selves,  are  indicative  of  French  authorship.  Most  of  them  are 
forms  allowable  in  eighteenth  century  English  but  less  common 
than  parallel  forms  and  nearer  to  the  French.  Since  they  were 
like  the  French  they  would  suggest  themselves  more  naturally 
than  others  to  a  Frenchman  and  since  they  were  permissible  they 
would  not  meet  with  objection  from  the  English  reader  of  the 
manuscript.  Furthermore  there  are  a  few  pronounced  Gallicisms 
which  evidently  escaped  the  eyes  of  this  English  reader  and  were 
later  brought  to  Voltaire's  attention.  The  fact  that  these  were 
altered  either  in  the  Errata  or  in  the  second  edition  proves  that 


t,  Corr.,  p.  110. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  137.     It  may  be  that  "  two  months  ago  "  refers  to  the  publication 
of  the  second  edition  of  the  essays  in  the  month  of  January. 

3  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  p.  399.     Cf.  also  a  sentence  occurring  in  Voltaire's  French 
version  of  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry:  "  Lorsque  j'6tais  a  Londres,  j'osai  composer 
en  anglais  un  petit  Essai  sur  la  poesie  epique."     Oeuvres,  VIII,  p.  360. 

4  Foulet,  Corr.,  pp.  154,  155. 


THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY  21 

they  were  considered  incorrect  at  the  time  and  therefore  that  the 
manuscript  was  not  exhaustively  revised  by  an  English-speaking 
person  before  it  was  sent  to  the  printer. 

As  examples  of  spelling  and  forms  of  words  which  are  notice 
ably  like  the  French  may  be  mentioned,  interesses,1  Metamor 
phose,2  Teints,3  Richesses,*  Pic,6  Toilette,6  and  Mosquee.7  In  every 
case  authorities  at  our  disposition8  show  that  these  were  per 
missible  English  forms  but  that  in  the  eighteenth  century  they 
were  either  archaic  or  less  usual  than  others.  It  is  especially 
significant  that  in  the  Errata  of  1727,  Pic  was  changed  to  Pike 
while  in  the  1728  edition  Toilette  was  replaced  by  Toilet  &ndMosquee 
by  Mosque  and  in  1731  inter  esses  was  in  one  case  corrected  to 
interests. 9 

In  several  cases  where  either  the  omission  or  the  use  of  the 
article  seems  abnormal  it  may  be  explained  as  a  confusion  due 
to  the  difference  between  English  and  French  usage.  In  three 
of  these  cases  corrections  have  been  made:  the  phrase  to  the 
Christ10  was  corrected  in  the  Errata  of  1727  to  read  to  Christ,  in 
the  Sight  of  the  Cape11  was  altered  in  1728  to  in  Sight  of  the  Cape  and 
of  Virgin  Mary  to  of  the  Virgin  Mary.12 

There  are  many  sentences  in  which  the  position  of  the  adverb, 
although  possible  in  English,  is  significantly  like  that  of  the  French. 
For  example,  to  have  much  laboured;13  bears  secretly  an  ill  Will;1* 
makes  sometimes  amends;1*  which  animated  sometimes  the  Author;16 
who  wears  always  a  Mask.1'' 

In  the  use  of  auxiliaries  the  sequence  of  tenses  is  more  char- 

1  Pp.  91,  98,  post 

2  P.  94,  post.    The  form   metamorphosis    also    occurs   once   in    the    Essay, 
p.  139,  post. 

3  P.  91,  post. 

4  P.  96,  post. 

5  P.  119,  post. 

6  P.  105,  post. 

7  P.  116,  post. 

8  Cf.  especially  the  Oxford  Dictionary. 

*  Cf .  also  Argonautes  (p.  Ill,  post),  changed  to  Argonots  in  1728  and  Michel 
Cervantes  (p.  129,  post),  corrected  in  1728  to  Michael. 

10  P.  110,  post. 

11  P.  108,  post.    Cf.  Notebook  of  Voltaire,  English  Review,  p.  313:   "Jewish 
relligion  is  the  mother  of  (the)  Christianity." 

12  P.  117,  post. 

13  P.  81,  post. 

14  P.  92,  post. 

15  P.  109,  post. 
18  P.  125,  post. 
17  P.  139,  post. 


22  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

acteristic  of  French  than  of  English.  A  peculiar  form  of  an  aux 
iliary,  to  be  explained  perhaps  by  the  French,  is  to  be  noticed 
in  the  sentence:  "One  may  judge  .  .  .  if  to  say  to  Agamemnon, 
that  Achilles  is  the  most  valorous  of  the  present  Chiefs,  ought  to 
be  [i.e.,  would  be,  cf.  devait  etre]  very  acceptable  to  Agamemnon."1 

Other  expressions  difficult  to  classify  are  worth  noting — for 
instance:  there  are  infinite  Things*  [des  choses  infinies]  corrected 
in  the  Errata  to  there  is  an  infinite  Number  of  Things;  there  is  what 
to  laugh  at3  [de  quoi  rire];  in  comparison  o/4  [en  comparaison 
de];  Thirst  of  Glory6  [la  soif  de  la  gloire];  whatever  it  be6  [quoiqu'il 
en  soit],  where  one  would  expect  however  it  may  be. 

One  sentence  which  appears  in  the  1727  edition  is  particu 
larly  significant:  "  But  in  my  Opinion,  the  best  reason  for  the 
Languour  which  creeps  upon  the  Mind  of  so  many  Readers,  in 
Spight  of  the  Flashes  which  rouse  her  now  and  then,  is,  that  Homer 
interesses  us  for  none  of  his  Heroes."  7  In  the  Errata  and  in 
the  edition  of  1728,  her,  the  French  grammatical  gender,  has  been 
changed  to  it,  the  English  natural  gender.  A  second  but  less 
striking  instance  of  the  same  sort  is  the  phrase,  "  which  the  Fleet 
finds  in  her  Way  home."  8 

Another  point  worthy  of  notice  is  that  the  writer  has,  in  certain 
cases  of  which  we  are  aware  and  doubtless  in  many  of  which  we 
are  not,  followed  closely  the  words  of  some  English  author,  evi 
dently  working  over  a  sentence  a  bit  but  relying  on  the  original 
for  vocabulary  and  for  unusual  expressions.  One  example  will 
suffice:  "  They  may  discern  the  Fire  of  that  Father  of  Poetry, 
reflected  from  such  a  polished  and  faithful  Glass,"  based  on  a 
sentence  found  in  Pope's  Preface  to  the  translation  of  the  Iliad: 
"  This  fire  is  discerned  in  Virgil  but  as  through  a  glass  reflected 

1  P.  128,  post. 

2  P.  145,  post. 

3  P.  Ill,  post. 

4  P.  100,  post. 
B  P.  124,  post. 

6  P.  94,  post. 

7  P.  91,  post. 

8  P.  109,  post.    Cf .  The  Nation  who,  pp.  133,  144,  post.  Certain  expressions  are 
to  be  noted  as  curious  rather  than  as  corresponding  directly  to  French  usage,  such 
as  far  enough  .  .  .  as  to,  (pp.  90-91)  which  [what]  is  more  (p.  113),  etc.     In  the 
edition  of  1727  there  are  instances  of  a  singular  subject  with  a  plural  verb — for 
example,  which  the  taste  .  .  .  relish  (p.  84);   their   language  .  .  .  were  (p.  103). 
The  second  of  these  errors  was  corrected,  the  first  was  not.     In  three  cases  we 
find  then  instead  of  than   (pp.  102,  129,  138).     In  each  case  the  mistake  was 
corrected  in  1728. 


THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY  23 

from  Homer."1       Such  borrowing  is  what  one  might  expect  from 
a  person  writing  in  a  language  not  his  own. 


The  amount  of  material  within  the  limits  of  Voltaire's  English 
writings  is  not  large  enough  to  make  generalizations  absolutely 
safe  but  a  careful  examination  of  the  fifteen  English  letters  of 
Voltaire  belonging  to  the  period  of  his  residence  in  England  helps 
in  two  ways  to  confirm  the  belief  that  the  Essay  was  essentially 
his  own  composition — first,  because  the  language  of  these  letters 
is  in  all  probability  his  independent  work  and  is  clear  and  expres 
sive;  secondly,  because  the  language  shows  the  same  handling  as 
that  of  the  Essay,  presenting  peculiarities  which  correspond  to 
those  already  quoted  from  the  Essay. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  the  manuscript  of  many  of  the 
letters  has  been  lost  and  that  much  of  the  spelling  has  no  doubt 
been  modernized.  The  words  pacquet2  and  honnour,3  however, 
afford  examples  of  archaic  forms  near  the  French. 

There  is  the  same  confusion  in  the  use  of  the  article  as  in  the 
Essay:  the  fate  of  all  the  wretched  books;4  almost  fortnight;*  in  the 
search  of  it;*  they  will  give  you  hundred  directions;5  I  was  stranger 
(corrected  to  read  a  stranger).6 

Again  in  the  letters  the  position  of  the  adverb  is  frequently 
striking:  pours  allways  on  me;1  I  have  seen  often  mylord  B;a  I 
received  lately  two  letters;3  I  could  print  secretly  the  Henriade;10 
I  have  thought  always  your's  to  be.11  It  is  significant  that  in  one  case 
the  words,  I  have  so  much  written,  were  later  changed  to  read  7 
have  written  so  much.12 

The  use  of  tenses  suggests  the  French  as  in  the  phrase,  occurring 
twice,  since  I  am  in  England,  meaning  since  I  have  been  in  Eng 
land.13  The  variants  in  the  letter  of  October  15,  1726,  indicate 

1  P.     89,  note  4,  post.    Cf.  also  p.  96,  note  3;  p.  99,  notes  10  and  11;  p.  100, 
notes  3  and  6;  p.  101,  note  3;  p.  127,  note  5,  post. 

2  Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  89. 
*Ibid.,  p.  155. 
*Ibid.,  p.  89. 

6  Ibid.,  p.  103. 
« Ibid.,  p.  56. 

7  Ibid.,  p.  58. 

8  Ibid.,  p.  60. 

8  Ibid.,  p.  134. 
"  Ibid.,  p.  156. 
11  Ibid.,  p.  158. 
"Ibid.,  p.  62. 
"Ibid.,  pp.  103,  158. 


24  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

an  uncertainty  as  to  the  use  of  auxiliaries.1  In  the  same  letter 
there  are  two  corrections  which  correspond  exactly  to  one  already 
mentioned  as  having  been  made  in  the  Errata  of  the  1727  edition 
of  the  Essay.  In  the  letter  Voltaire  wrote  originally  a  nation 
fond  of  her  liberty  and  every  country  has  his  madness:  these  phrases 
were  later  altered  to  read  their  liberty  and  its  madness.* 

Among  other  constructions  which  occur  in  various  letters  and 
which  recall  French  usage  may  be  mentioned:  obeys  to  the  law;3 
all  that  is  king;4  the  nation  who  dislikes:*  at  my  own  expenses',6 
answering  to  you,  corrected  to  read  answering  you.1 

Both  external  and  internal  evidence  seem  to  justify  the  con 
clusion  that,  although  Voltaire  probably  received  suggestions  from 
English  friends  and  relied  to  some  extent  upon  English  texts, 
the  language  of  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry,  like  that  of  his  Eng 
lish  letters,  is  largely  his  own. 

Against  this  evidence  there  stands  the  adverse  testimony  of 
five  writers  approximately  contemporaries  of  Voltaire.  Of  these 
two  were  French,  the  Abbe  Desfontaines  and  Mme.  de  Genlis, 
two  Italian,  Paolo  Rolli  and  Giuseppi  Baretti,  and  one  an  Eng 
lishman,  Joseph  Spence.  The  assertions  of  the  Abbe  Desfontaines 
are  to  be  found  in  the  Voltairomanie,  a  pamphlet  of  1738.  They 
read  as  follows:  "  Voltaire  n'a  point  compose  seul  en  Anglais 
cet  ecrit  [the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry],  mais  1'ayant  fait  d'abord 
en  Franc.ais  un  Anglais  1'a  aide  a  le  traduire  dans  sa  langue.  .  .  . 
A  peine  est-il  en  Angleterre,  qu'apres  en  avoir  etudie  la  Langue 
pendant  trois  mois,  il  met  en  Anglais  un  Essai  sur  le  Poeme  Epique, 
qu'il  avait  compose  en  Frangais;  puis  ayant  fait  corriger  cette 
traduction  par  son  Maitre  de  Langue,  il  la  donne  au  Public.  II 
est  vrai  que  les  Anglais  dirent  alors  que  c'e"tait  un  tissu  de  Gal- 
licismes  et  de  Barbarismes.  Qu'importe  ?  Voltaire  faisait  voir 
qu'il  avait  un  genie  divin  pour  les  Langues  comme  pour  toutes 
les  Sciences,  et  tous  les  beaux  Arts."  8  In  the  Memoires  of  Mme. 
de  Genlis  (1825)  occurs  the  sentence:  "  II  ["le  celebre  Wilkes  du 
parti  de  Popposition"]  avait  beaucoup  vu  Voltaire  pendant  son 

1  Foulet,  Con-.,  pp.  61,  63. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  61. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  138. 

4  Ibid.,  p.  61. 

6  Ibid.,  p.  89.     Cf.  p.  22,  note  8,  ante. 

6  Ibid.,  p.  60. 

7  Ibid.,  p.  63. 
'Pp.  45,  47. 


THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY  25 

sejour  a  Londres,  il  me  dit  qu'il  savait  tres  mal  1'anglais  et  qu'il 
n'e*tait  pas  en  etat  de  sentir  la  beaute  des  poetes."  l  Rolli  remarks 
in  his  criticism  of  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry,  in  1728,  that  Vol 
taire  is  proud  of  having  learned  English  in  so  short  a  time  and 
adds:  "  I  only  admire  his  Vanity  and  his  pretty  simile  of  the 
Nurse2  .  .  .  particularly  when  she  helped  him."  3  We  have 
two  statements  from  Baretti,  the  first  in  his  Dissertation  on  the 
Italian  Poetry,  1753,  and  the  second  in  his  Discours  sur  Shakes 
peare  et  sur  M.  de  Voltaire,  1777.  In  1753  he  asserted  that  Vol 
taire  would  have  done  better  to  write  his  essay  in  French  than 
to  dishonor  the  English  language  by  making  it  "  the  conveyance 
of  his  impertinence,"  and  expressed  astonishment  that  an  author 
so  excellent  in  his  own  language  could  utter  so  many  absurdities 
in  that  of  another  country.4  Here  Baretti  plainly  takes  for 
granted  that  the  English  is  Voltaire's,  but  in  1777  he  declares 
the  Frenchman  to  be  completely  ignorant  of  English  and  main 
tains  that  the  essays  published  under  his  name  fifty  years  before 
were  too  correct  to  have  been  the  work  of  a  foreigner.5  The 
fifth  of  the  passages  in  question  occurs  in  Spence's  Anecdotes, 
first  printed  in  1820,  although  written  much  earlier:6  "  Vol 
taire,  like  the  French  in  general,  showed  the  greatest  complais 
ance  outwardly  and  had  the  greatest  contempt  for  us  inwardly. 
He  consulted  Dr.  Young  about  his  essay  in  English  and  begged 
him  to  correct  any  gross  faults  he  might  find  in  it.  The  Doctor 
set  very  honestly  to  work,  marked  the  passages  most  liable  to 
censure,  and  when  he  went  to  explain  himself  about  them  Vol 
taire  could  not  avoid  bursting  out  alaughing."7 

The  nature  of  these  comments  and  the  circumstances  under 
which  they  were  made  deprive  them  of  all  authority.  It  is  to 
be  noticed  that  the  first  four  of  the  critics  in  question  were  openly 
hostile  to  Voltaire  at  the  time  of  writing  and  therefore  incapable 
of  impartial  judgment,  while  the  fifth  was  certainly  not  friendly 

1  III,  p.  362. 

2  Cf .  p.  89,  post. 

3  P.  47.     Rolli  adds  in  this  connection,  "  I  have  been  twelve  years  in  Eng 
land  and     ...     I  am  sensible  my  readers  will  immediately  find  me  out  for 
a  Foreigner." 

4  Dissertation,  p.  4. 

6  Discours,  p.  18:    "La  fagon  generale   dans  1'un  et  dans   1'autre  me  feroit 
croire  qu'ils  sont  de  lui,  si  ce  n'etait  que  1'anglais   y   est  trop  anglais."     P.  19: 
"  II  n'y  a  pas  le  moindre  mot  de  travers  dans  aucun  des  deux.  .  .  .  Un  Stranger 
ne  s'en  tire  pas  si  britanniquement." 

8  Joseph  Spence  was  born  in  1699  and  died  in  1768. 

7  Pp.  374-375. 


26  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

toward  him.  The  quarrel  between  Desfontaines  and  Voltaire  was 
approaching  its  height  in  1738. 1  In  her  Memoires,  Mme.  de 
Genlis  herself  speaks  of  what  she  calls  her  aversion  for  Voltaire.2 
As  to  Rolli  and  Baretti,  they  were  both  thoroughly  angered  with 
the  French  poet  because  of  his  comments  on  Italian  literature; 
and  Baretti,  moreover,  in  1777,  was  deeply  stirred  by  Voltaire's 
attitude  toward  Shakespeare.3 

Desfontaines'  statement  is  made  for  the  first  time  ten  years 
after  the  publication  of  the  Essay  and  is  absurdly  inaccurate 
and  self-contradictory.  Mme.  de  Genlis  gives  as  her  authority 
a  person  born  while  Voltaire  was  in  England.4  Rolli's  remark 
is  so  vague  that  it  counts  for  little.  Baretti's  argument  in  the 
Discours  sur  Shakespeare  has  to  do  chiefly  with  Voltaire's  famil 
iarity  with  English  late  in  life,  nearly  half  a  century  after  his 
visit  to  England.  As  to  the  two  reasons  he  gives  to  show  that 
the  language  of  the  essays  published  in  1727  was  not  Voltaire's, 
the  first,  that  it  was  too  perfect  to  be  the  work  of  a  foreigner, 
is,  though  made  by  a  man  familiar  with  English,  merely  the  per 
sonal  opinion  of  another  foreigner,  and  an  opinion  which  a  careful 
study  of  the  essay  does  not  support;  the  second,  that  Voltaire 
never  wrote  a  line  in  English  after  leaving  England,  is  of  course 
false.  The  only  value  of  Spence's  anecdote,  in  the  form  in  which 
it  has  come  down  to  us,  is  that  it  affords  direct  testimony  that 
Voltaire  showed  his  manuscript  to  an  English  friend.  External 
evidence  for  so  natural  a  precaution  is  superfluous. 

The  positive  evidence  of  Voltaire's  authorship  already  adduced 
is  sufficient  to  outweigh  adverse  testimony  of  this  kind. 

1  Cf.  pp.  32  ff.,  post. 
2 1,  p.  78. 

3  In  her  Essay  on  the  Writings  and  Genius  of  Shakespear  (1769)  Mrs.  Montagu 
ridicules  Voltaire's  translation  of  certain  passages  of  Julius  Caesar  published  in 
his  edition  of  Corneille's  works  (1761).     She  acknowledges,  however,  (p.  236) 
that  "  Mr.  Voltaire  formerly  understood  the  English  language  tolerably  well." 

4  John  Wilkes  was  born  in  1727.     In  1765  Wilkes  visited  Voltaire  at  Ferney 
and  afterwards  wrote  an  account  of  his  visit.     He  admired  Voltaire  in  an  exag 
gerated  fashion  and  spoke  of  him  as  "  a  divine  old  man."     Ballantyne,  pp. 
80,  300. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  FRENCH  TRANSLATION  OF  THE  ESSAY 

Its  publication  in  1728  and  later.  Generally  attributed  to  Desfon- 
taines — His  repudiation  in  1738 — Desfontaines  and  his  work — 
His  relations  with  Voltaire — Circumstances  and  value  of  his  denial 
of  the  authorship  of  the  translation — Comments  on  the  translation 
in  Voltaire's  letters  and  in  the  press — The  inaccuracy  of  the  work 
—  The  text  as  corrected  by  Voltaire  and  reprinted  in  1732. 

Letters  which  Voltaire  wrote  in  the  spring  and  summer  of 
1728  throw  light  on  the  circumstances  surrounding  the  first  pub 
lication  of  the  French  translation  of  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry. 
In  a  letter  of  the  end  of  March,  the  writer  expresses  his  unwill 
ingness  to  have  his  essays  appear  in  France.  He  realizes  that 
in  their  original  form  they  would  be  displeasing  to  those  in  power. 
"  I  dare  not  send  anything  of  that  kind  into  France,"  he  says, 
"  before  I  have  settled  my  affairs  in  that  country.  ...  I  think 
I  am  not  to  let  the  French  court  know  that  I  think  and  write 
like  a  free  Englishman."  '  A  few  weeks  later,  writing  to  Thieriot 
about  an  "  interloper  "  who  proposes  issuing  in  France  an  edition 
of  the  Henriade,  he  adds:  "  Tell  him  besides  I  disapprove  en 
tirely  his  design  of  translating  my  English  essay.  .  .  .  That 
little  pamphlet  could  not  succeed  in  France  without  being  dressed 
in  quite  another  manner.  ...  I  know  nothing  so  impertinent 
as  to  go  about  to  translate  me  in  spight  of  my  teeth."  2  This 
letter  was  written  April  21  (o.  s.)  and  consequently  too  late  to 
prevent  the  appearance  of  the  translation  of  the  Essay  on  Epic 
Poetry,  the  "  approbation  "  for  which  had  been  obtained  nine 
days  earlier.  The  "  privilege  "  was  registered  on  May  19.  The 

1  Foulet,  Corr.,  pp.  137-138.     Voltaire  did  not  even  send  a  copy  of  his  essays 
to  Thieriot.     Ibid.,  pp.  137,  note  3;  257. 

2  Ibid.,  pp.  145-146.     This  letter  in  itself  is  sufficient  to  contradict  Beuchot's 
statement  that  Voltaire  "  le  fit  traduire  en  frangais  par  1'abbe"  Desfontaines." 
Oeuvres,  VIII,  p.  302. 


28  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

small  volume  appeared  under  the  title,  Essai  sur  la  poesie  epique,1 
traduit  de  I'anglais  de  M.  de  Voltaire,  par  M.  .  .  .  A  Paris 
chez  Chaubert  d  V  Entree  du  Quai  des  Augustins  pres  le  Pont  Saint 
Michel  d  la  Renomee  et  d  la  Prudence.  Since  the  "  privilege  " 
was  not  registered  until  May  19  and  since  the  Journal  des  Sc,avans 
for  May,  1728,  announced  that  the  book  was  on  sale,2  it  must 
have  been  issued  late  in  that  month.  The  same  year  it  was 
printed,  or  it  purported  to  be  printed,  in  Holland.3 

Strange  as  it  may  at  first  appear  in  view  of  Voltaire's  early 
objections,  the  1728  translation,  announced  as  having  been  cor 
rected  by  himself,  was  included  in  the  edition  of  his  works  which 
was  published  in  Amsterdam  in  1732. 4  In  nearly  all  the  later 
editions  of  Voltaire's  Henriade  and  of  his  complete  works  the 
translation  was  replaced  by  the  author's  own  French  version  of 
the  Essay,  but  the  earlier  form  is  occasionally  found,  as  in  the 
Oeuvres  completes  of  17395  and  in  the  edition  of  the  Henriade 
published  in  Neuchatel  in  1772. 6 


Although  the  translation,  like  many  others  of  that  period,  was 
at  first  published  anonymously,  it  was  at  once  attributed  to  the 
Abbe"  Guyot  Desfontaines.  That  Voltaire  himself  felt  no  doubt 
as  to  the  identity  of  the  translator  is  clear  from  his  letter  to 
Thieriot  written  June  14:  "I  have  received,  by  an  unknown 

1  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  title  is  less  pretentious  than  that  of  the  English 
essay.     That  title  had  been  criticised  by  Rolli  (Remarks,  p.  37),  who  sarcas 
tically  remarked  that  he  had  never  heard  of  any  epic  poem  of  Asiatic  or  Amer 
ican   growth.     When  Rolli's  book  was  translated  into   French  in    1728    (par 
M.L.A.  [Antonini]),    mention   was   made  in  the  preface  of  the  change  of  title 
in  the  translation  of  Voltaire's  essay  and  it  was  added:   "  Le  traducteur  Frangais 
en  le  changeant  [le  titre]  a  approuve"  la  censure  que  M.  Rolli  en  a  faite."     Cf. 
Baretti,  Dissertation,  1753,  p.  70:   "  that  contemptible  Pamphlet  so  pompously 
entitled    .    .    ." 

2  P.  319.     Cf.  Mercure  de  France,  June,  1728,  p.  1419,  Essay  sur  la  Poesie 
Grecque  (sic)  etc.      The  price  is  here  announced  as  "  24  sols  sans  1'avertissement." 

3  A  copy  of  the  translation  bearing  the  title,   Essai    sur  la  Poesie  Epique, 
traduit  de  I'anglois  de  M.  de  Voltaire,  Par  M.     .     .     .     A  La  Haye  chez  G.  M. 
de  Merville  MDCCXXVIII,  is  to  be  found  in  the  Bibliotheque  Sainte-Genevieve 
in  Paris. 

4  Oeuvres  de  M.  Voltaire.     Amsterdam,  1732,  p.  209. 

5  Cf.  Bengesco,  IV,  p.  13. 

8  Oeuvres  de  M.  de  Voltaire,  Neuchatel,  1772.  This  edition,  as  well  as  that 
of  1739,  appears  to  have  been  made  without  Voltaire's  knowledge.  Cf.  also 
Oeuvres,  VIII,  p.  304,  note  by  Beuchot:  "La  traduction  de  Desfontaines  (et 
non  le  texte  de  Voltaire)  se  retrouve  cependant  dans  un  volume  qui  a  ce  sin- 
gulier  titre:  Ouvrages  classiques  de  I' elegant  poete  M.  Arouet,  fameux  sous  le  nom 
de  Voltaire  .  .  .  ;  a  Oxford  .  .  .  ,  1771.  .  .  .  Je  ne  sais  si  1'edition  a 
e'te'  continued." 


THE  FRENCH  TRANSLATION  OF  THE  ESSAY  29 

hand,  my  English  essay's  translation;  I  suppose  it  came  from  you 
and  I  thank  you  for  it.  ...  Abbot  Desfontaines  has  been 
very  far  from  doing  one  justice  in  many  passages."1  This  ascrip 
tion  was  soon  made  public  in  the  preface  of  the  Henriade  issued 
in  1730,  in  which  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  is  mentioned  as  having 
been  translated  by  the  Abbe  Desfontaines.2  And  the  Journal 
des  Sgavans,  a  publication  with  which  Desfontaines  had  been 
connected  a  short  time  before,  accepted  without  question,  in  a 
summary  of  this  preface,  the  statement  regarding  the  authorship 
of  the  translation:  "  Quelques  personnes,  ajoute-t-on,  auraient 
souhaite"  qu'au  defaut  d'une  Dissertation  plus  complette  sur  cette 
matiere,  on  eut  fait  imprimer  ici  V  Essai  sur  la  Poesie  Epique  .  .  . 
traduit  en  Frangais  par  M.  1'Abbe  Guyot  Desfontaines."  As  the 
printer  of  the  Journal  had  issued  the  translation  this  statement 
may  be  considered  reliable.  At  the  end  of  the  announcement 
quoted  occur  the  words:  "  La  traduction  franchise  dont  on  vient 
de  parler,  et  qui  se  vend  a  Paris  chez  Chaubert,  libraire  du 
Journal."  3 

The  following  year,  when  Voltaire's  works  were  published  in 
Amsterdam,  the  translated  essay  was  included  under  the  title 
Essai  sur  la  Poesie  epique  de  toutes  les  nations,  ecrit  en  Anglais 
par  M.  de  Voltaire  en  1726  [sic]  et  traduit  en  Frangais  par  M. 
I' Abbe  Desfontaines.4  Again  in  1733,  when  Voltaire  replaced  the 
translation  by  his  own  version,  it  is  stated  that  "L' Essai  sur  le 
Poeme  Epique  n'est  point  la  traduction  de  M.  1'Abbe*  des  Fon 
taines  faite  sur  1'original  anglais  de  Monsieur  de  Voltaire."  5 
In  a  letter  of  September,  1733,  concerning  that  edition,  Voltaire 
mentions  the  new  version  of  his  essay:  "J'avais  d'abord  compose 
cet  Essai  en  anglais,  at  il  avait  ete  traduit  par  1'abbe  Desfon 
taines,  homme  fort  connu  dans  la  litterature."  6  In  many  of 
Voltaire's  later  letters  and  in  all  the  succeeding  editions  of  his 
works,  the  French  translation  is  called  that  of  the  Abbe"  Desfon 
taines.  It  has  accordingly  been  attributed  to  Desfontaines  by 
biographers  in  general. 

1  Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  154. 

2  Cf.  p.  11,  note  1,  ante. 

3  1731,  p.  159. 

4  Cf.  p.  28,  note  4,  ante. 

6  Cf.  La  Henriade,  London,  1734  (reprint  of  edition  of  1733).  Cf.  Bengesco, 
I,  p.  105. 

6  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  p.  382. 


30  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

So  convincing  are  these  statements  that  there  would  be  no 
reason  for  discussing  the  authorship  of  the  translation,  were  it 
not  that  the  Abbe*  Desfontaines  once  flatly  denied  that  it  was 
the  work  of  his  pen.  In  the  Voltairomanie,  1738,  from  which  we 
have  already  quoted  the  passage  casting  aspersions  upon  Vol 
taire's  knowledge  of  English,  we  read:  "  L'Abbe  Des  Fontaines 
n'a  point  fait  a  Voltaire  Thonneur  de  traduire  en  Frangais  ce 
malheureux  essai.  C'est  feu  M.  de  Plelo,  ambassadeur  en  Dane- 
marc  et  tue*  pres  de  Dantzic1  qui,  pour  s'amuser  a  Paris,  fit  cette 
traduction  dans  le  terns  qu'il  apprenoit  1'Anglais.  Le  fort  de 
Voltaire  est  de  se  tromper  en  tout  ce  qu'il  dit.  Cette  traduction 
est  imprimee  chez  Chaubert."  2 


In  order  to  judge  concerning  the  authorship  of  the  translation 
and  the  value  of  Desfontaines'  denial,  it  is  essential  to  know 
something  of  1'Abbe"  Desfontaines  himself,  of  his  relations  with 
Voltaire,  and  of  the  circumstances  of  this  denial.  Pierre  Fran- 
C,ois  Guyot  Desfontaines  was  born  in  1685  and  died  in  1745. 
After  a  varied  career,  spent  partly  in  the  provinces  and  partly 
in  Paris,  we  find  him  in  the  summer  of  1725  established  in  the 
capital  as  collaborating  editor  of  the  Journal  des  Sgavans.  A 
journalist  and  a  critic  of  secondary  importance,  he  is  chiefly  re 
membered  as  a  translator.  Joseph  Texte,  in  his  discussion  of  the 
popularization  of  English  literature  in  France,  speaks  of  him  as 
"  le  plus  actif,  sinon  le  plus  glorieux  emule  que  les  refugies  aient 
trouve  en  France  avant  Voltaire  et  PreVost,"  whose  ambition  it 
was  to  be,  "  en  quelque  maniere,  1'introducteur  attitre*  des  pro 
ductions  anglaises."  3  The  list  of  works  published  under  his 
name  or  attributed  to  him  by  biographers  includes  many  trans 
lations  from  the  English,  as  well  as  critical  reviews,  contributions 
to  periodicals  and  the  like.  He  seems  to  have  been  very  active 
in  the  years  1726,  1727  and  1728,  the  period  with  which  we  are 
concerned.  In  1726  he  showed  his  interest  in  English  matters 
in  general  by  publishing  L'Apologie  du  Caractere  des  Anglais  et 

1  Louis  Robert-Hippolite  de  Brehan,  comte  de  Plelo,  diplomat,  student  and 
poet.     He  became  ambassador  to  Denmark  in  1729  and  died  at  Weichselmunde, 
near  Dantzig,  Prussia,  in  1734. 

2  P.  45. 

3  P.  41.    Cf.  Brunetiere,  L' Evolution  des  Genres,  I,  p.  148:   "  II  ne  se  publiait 
pas  a  Londres  une  seule  nouveaut^    .    .    .    qui  ne  fut  traduite  aussitot    .    .    . 
par  quelque  Desfontaines." 


THE  FRENCH  TRANSLATION  OF  THE  ESSAY  31 

des  Frangais  ou  Observations  sur  le  livre  intitule  Lettres  sur  les 
Anglais  et  les  Franqais  et  les  Voyages.  In  March,  1727,  a  trans 
lation  of  the  first  volume  of  Swift's  Gulliver  appeared  in  Paris. 
A  preface  to  this  edition  expresses  views  concerning  the  province 
of  a  translator.1  Like  most  of  Desfontaines'  translations,  this 
was  published  anonymously  but  was  immediately  acknowledged 
as  his  work.2  In  1728  there  was  issued  at  Nancy  a  small  book, 
Entretiens  sur  les  Voyages  de  Cyrus,  in  which,  as  was  the  case 
more  than  once,  Desfontaines  worked  in  collaboration  with  1'Abbe" 
Granet,  the  translator  of  Voltaire's  other  English  essay,  that  upon 
the  Civil  Wars.  As  we  examine  the  list  of  his  works,  it  is  inter 
esting  to  notice  that  several  of  the  publications  in  which  he  had 
a  part  were  issued  by  Chaubert,  the  publisher  of  the  Journal 
des  Sqavans  and  of  the  translation  of  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry. 


Let  us  now  consider  Desfontaines'  relations  with  Voltaire.  The 
latter  tells  us  that  they  date  from  1724.  At  that  time  the  author 
of  the  Henriade  was  induced  to  use  his  influence  to  obtain  the 
freedom  of  the  Abbe  who  had  been  in  prison  for  some  months. 
His  efforts  were  successful  and  in  May  of  that  year  Desfontaines 
wrote  him  a  most  appreciative  letter,  beginning:  "Je  n'oublierai 
jamais,  monsieur,  les  obligations  infinies  que  je  vous  ai."  3  It 
was  during  the  same  year  that  an  incomplete  and  highly  unsatis 
factory  edition  of  the  Henriade,  then  called  La  Ligue,  for  which 
Desfontaines  is  held  responsible,  was  issued  at  Evreux  or  Rouen 

1  Cf.  p.  36,  note  8,  post. 

2  Voyages  de  Gulliver.     Tome   1,   "  a  Paris  dans    la  boutique    de  la  Veuve 
Coutelier,  ch6z  Jacques  Guerin,  Quay  des  Augustins,"   1727.     In  a  letter  of 
February,   1727,  Voltaire  expressed  great  admiration  for  Swift's  Gulliver  and 
urged  Thieriot,  to  whom  he  had  previously  sent  a  copy,  to  translate  it,  adding: 
"J'ai  bien  peur  que  quelqu'un  plus  press6  que  vous  ne  vous  ait  prevenu  en 
traduisant  le  premier  tome."     Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  78.     Desfontaines'  translation 
appeared  in  March.     From  the  following  passage  in  the  translator's  preface, 
it  is  evident  that  Thieriot  had  been  indiscreet:    "  Dans  ce  meme  terns,  un  ami 
de  M.  de  Voltaire  me  montra  une  lettre  de  fraiche  datte  de  Londres,  ou  cet 
illustre  Poete  vantoit  beaucoup  le  Livre  nouveau  de  M.  Swift,  &  assuroit  qu'il 
n'avait  jamais  rien  hi  de  plus  amusant."     In  May  Voltaire  condoles  with  Thie 
riot  saying:    "I  am  afraid  the  abbot  has  outrun  you"  and  "Take  care  only 
not  to  be  outvied  for  the  future  by  any  priest :  be  cautious  in  the  choice  of  those 
you  will  consult  about  your  translation."     Foulet,  Corr.,  pp.  95,  97.     Cf.  Mer- 
cure  de  France,  May,  1727,  p.  955:    "  M.  1'Abbe  Guyot  Desfontaines,  auteur 
de  la  Traduction  ne  s'est  point  asservi  a  son  original,  il  a  retranche"  beaucoup 
de   choses,    il  en  a  aussi  ajout6  beaucoup,  &  en  suivant  les  idees  du  Docteur 
Swift,  il  a  m^tamorphos^  tout  son  ouvrage,  pour  1'ajuster  au  gout  des  Frangais. 
.    .     .    On  voit  a  la  tete  une  Preface  modeste  et  iudicieuse." 

3  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  p.  110. 


32  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

without  the  knowledge  of  Voltaire.1  None  the  less  the  two  seem 
to  have  been  on  very  amiable  terms  in  1725.  In  June,  Voltaire 
speaks  of  further  good  offices  in  behalf  of  "  notre  pauvre  abbe" 
Desfontaines,"  2  and  a  few  months  later  he  sends  Desfontaines 
a  most  friendly  epistle.  "Je  ne  peux  pas  m'accoutumer,"  he  writes, 
"  a  voir  1'abbe  Raguet  dans  1'opulence  et  dans  la  faveur,  tandis 
que  vous  etes  neglige."  3  Thieriot  wrote  Voltaire  in  the  autumn 
of  1726  warning  him  against  Desfontaines  but  Voltaire  merely 
replied:  "  I  have  written  freely  to  the  abbot  Desfontaines,  it  is 
true,  and  I  will  allwais  do  so,  having  no  reason  to  lay  myself  under 
any  restraint."  4  A  year  and  a  half  later,  in  the  spring  of  1728, 
we  find  Voltaire,  aroused  by  news  he  has  received  from  Thieriot, 
using  a  different  tone.  He  refers  to  "  the  abbot  "  as  guilty  of 
the  publication  of  the  Evreux  edition  of  the  Henriade,  calls  him 
an  "  interloper  "  because  he  proposes  to  publish  a  new  edition 
of  the  poem  and  characterizes  as  most  "  impertinent  "  his  under 
taking  to  translate  the  Essay.6  Nevertheless  in  the  letter  written 
upon  the  receipt  of  a  copy  of  his  translated  essay,  although  he 
regrets  that  the  translation  has  been  made,  Voltaire  does  not 
speak  angrily.  "  I  am  sure,"  he  writes,  "  this  little  pamphlet 
did  not  at  all  deserve  the  trouble  he  has  been  at  of  putting  it  in 
the  French  language."  6 

It  is  unnecessary  here  to  recount  the  circumstances  that  led  to 
a  violent  quarrel  between  the  two  men.  A  clear  idea  of  the  prog 
ress  of  this  ill-feeling  may  be  gathered  from  letters  of  Voltaire 
written  between  1731  and  1738.  In  October,  1735,  he  says  regard 
ing  the  Abbe:  "  Mais  son  acharnement  a  payer  par  des  satires 
continuelles  la  vie  et  la  liberte  qu'il  me  doit  est  quelquechose 
d'incomprehensible,"  7  and  again  in  1736  he  writes  to  1'Abbe" 
Asselin:  "J'apprends  que  1'abbe  Desfontaines  continue  de  me 
de"chirer.  C'est  un  chien  poursuivi  par  le  public,  et  qui  se  retourne, 
tantot  pour  lecher  et  tantot  pour  mordre.  L'ingratitude  est  chez 
lui  aussi  dominante  que  le  mauvais  gout."8  In  1738  Voltaire's 
rage  with  the  Jesuit  journalist  took  definite  form  and  he  published 


1  Cf.  Bengesco,  I,  pp.  99  ff. 

2  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  p.  138. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  155. 

4  Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  61. 

5  Ibid.,  pp.  144  ff. 
8  Ibid.,  p.  155. 

7  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  p.  537. 

8  Ibid.,  XXXIV,  p.  51. 


THE  FRENCH  TRANSLATION  OF  THE  ESSAY  33 

the  Preservatif,  containing  an  account  of  his  acquaintance  with 
Desfontaines  and  of  the  latter's  "  black  "  ingratitude,  in  issuing 
libels,  satires  and  criticisms  against  his  benefactor.  Desfon 
taines'  reply  was  the  Voltairomanie. 

In  the  Preservatif,  in  the  course  of  the  ironical  remarks  con 
cerning  a  recent  piece  of  criticism  from  Desfontaines'  pen,  Vol 
taire  refers  to  the  faulty  translation  of  his  essay:  "  Dans  une 
traduction  que  ce  critique  fit  en  Frangais  d'un  Ouvrage  Anglais 
de  M.  de  Voltaire,  il  prit  le  mot  Kake  qui  signifie  gateau  pour  le 
Geant  Cacus.1  II  est  plaisant,  il  faut  1'avouer,  qu'un  pareil  homme 
s'avise  de  juger  les  autres."  2  The  calling  of  public  attention  to 
this  absurd  mistake  promised  to  bring  endless  ridicule  upon  the 
accepted  translator  and  to  injure  him  professionally.  Since  the 
mistake  really  existed  in  the  translation  as  it  appeared  in  1728, 
Desfontaines'  only  means  of  defense  lay  in  denying  that  the  work 
was  his.  That  his  denial  was  the  direct  result  of  Voltaire's  ridi 
cule  is  evident  from  the  words  with  which  it  is  introduced:  "  Le 
Sieur  Voltaire  reproche  a  1'Abbe  Des  Fontaines  une  meprise  dans 
la  traduction  de  V  Essai  sur  la  Poesie  Epique,  compose,  dit-il, 
par  lui-meme  en  Anglais."  3  The  mere  fact  that  this  denial  was 
made  ten  years  after  the  translation  was  issued  and  at  least  eight 
years  after  the  translation  had  first  been  publicly  attributed  to 
Desfontaines  renders  it  well-nigh  nugatory.  Why,  if  he  did  not 
wish  to  be  considered  the  translator,  did  he  wait  all  this  time 
to  speak  ?  Moreover,  Desfontaines  takes  the  precaution  to  ascribe 
the  translating  of  the  essay  to  a  person  quite  unable  to  deny  it 
since  he  was  no  longer  living.4  For  this  ascription,  which  con 
tradicts  a  generally  accepted  opinion,  he  gives  no  proof.  As  an 
episode  in  a  literary  quarrel  his  denial  is  perfectly  comprehensible. 
The  friendly  terms  existing  between  Voltaire  and  Desfontaines 
early  in  their  acquaintance  would  account  for  the  tardiness  of 
Voltaire's  public  ridicule  of  the  translation  and  consequently  for 
the  tardiness  of  Desfontaines'  repudiation  of  the  work. 

1  Cf.  p.  94,  post. 

2  P.  23.     Voltaire  also  disputes  'Desfontaines'  knowledge  of  English  in  other 
connections.     Cf.  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  p.  530  (20  Septembre,  1735) :   "  Ce  pauvre 
homme  [Desfontaines],  qui  veut  se  donner  pour  entendre  1'anglais,  donne  1'extrait 
d'un  livre  anglais  fait  en  faveur  de  la  religion,  comme  d'un  livre  d'ath6isme. 
II  n'y  a  pas  une  de  ses  feuilles  qui  ne  fourmille  de  fautes." 

s  Voltairomanie,  p.  45. 

4  It  is  difficult  to  account  for  the  sentence  added  at  the  end  of  the  denial, 
"  Cette  traduction  est  imprimee  chez  Chaubert,"  unless  we  see  in  it  the  writer's 
desire  to  advertise  the  translation. 


34  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Although  it  was  not  until  ten  years  after  the  publication  of 
the  translation  of  his  Essay  that  Voltaire  made  definite  use  of 
its  inaccuracy  as  a  means  of  attacking  Desfontaines,  his  cor 
respondence  shows  that  he  made  complaints  as  soon  as  he  saw 
the  book.  That  these  complaints  became  more  bitter  later  is 
only  natural  in  light  of  the  increasing  ill-feeling  between  the  two. 
In  the  letter  written  in  June,  1728,  upon  receipt  of  the  transla 
tion,  after  stating  that  "Abbot  Desfontaines  "  has  been  very  far 
from  doing  him  justice  in  many  passages,  Voltaire  goes  on  to 
enumerate  instances:  "  He  has  mistaken  the  West-Indies  for  the 
East-Indies;1  he  has  translated  the  cakes,  which  young  Ascanius 
takes  notice  of  being  eaten  by  his  countrymen,  for  la  faim  devorante 
de  Cacus.  So  he  mistakes  des  assiettes  et  de  la  croute  de  pate  for 
a  giant  and  a  monster."  That  he  does  not,  however,  attach  much 
importance  to  the  matter  appears  from  the  sentence:  "  I  have 
not  the  book  by  me  at  present,  and  cannot  remember  all  his  over 
sights."  2  Eight  years  later,  in  1736,  when  his  feeling  toward 
Desfontaines  has  become  hostile,  in  a  letter  to  the  authors  of 
the  Bibliotheque  frangaise,  he  speaks  more  emphatically  and  more 
ironically  of  the  incorrectness  of  the  translation  of  his  essay:  "  II 
y  avait  autant  de  contresens  que  de  lignes.  II  [Desfontaines]  y 
disait  que  les  Portugais  avaient  decouvert  1'Amerique  .  .  .3 
Le  mot  anglais  cake,  qui  signifie  gateau,  fut  pris  par  lui  pour  Cacus, 
et  les  Troyens  pour  des  vaches."  4  In  addition  to  the  public  use 
made  of  the  more  striking  of  these  mistakes  in  1738,  complaints 
of  the  general  inaccuracy  of  the  translation  appeared  in  many 
succeeding  editions  of  Voltaire's  works.  For  instance,  in  the 
preface  of  that  published  in  London  in  1746,  the  year  following 
Desfontaines'  death,  occurs  the  sentence:  "  Mais  1'abbe  sachant 
mediocrement  1'anglais  fit  plusieurs  fautes  considerables,"  and  at 
the  same  time  in  the  foreword  of  the  Essai  sur  la  poesie  epique: 
"  Elle  [Desfontaines'  translation]  fourmille  de  fautes  et  de  con 
tresens."  6 

1  Cf.  p.  107,  post. 

2  Foulet,  Corr.,  pp.  154,  155. 

8  In  the  passage  in  which  East  Indies  had  been  translated  "  Indes  occiden- 
tales." 

4  Oeuvres,  XXXIV,  pp.  133-134.  According  to  the  mythological  tale  the 
giant  Cacus  was  wont  to  devour  whole  herds  of  cattle  in  his  cave. 

6  Oeuvres  diver ses  de  M.  de  Voltaire,  Londres,  Tr6voux,  Nourse,  1746. 


THE  FRENCH  TRANSLATION  OF  THE  ESSAY  35 

On  the  other  hand,  in  contemporary  periodicals  the  work  of 
the  translator  was  highly  praised.  In  an  account  of  the  trans 
lation  in  the  Mercure  de  France  of  June,  1728,  we  read:  "  Mais 
elle  [la  langue  frangaise]  n'y  a  rien  perdu,  puisque  1'Ouvrage 
parait  aujourd'hui  traduit  en  Franc,  ais  d'une  maniere  tres  avan- 
tageuse,  et  qu'on  a  de  la  peine  a  s'imaginer  que  cette  copie  ne 
soit  pas  1'original  meme  de  1'auteur.  .  .  .  L'Ouvrage  dont  il 
s'agit  a  autant  de  succes  icy  qu'il  en  a  eu  a  Londres."  1  In  the 
Bibliotheque  franqaise  a  reviewer  writes:  "  Nous  ajouterons  que 
la  Traduction  a  6t6  ge'ne'ralement  applaudie,  elle  n'a  rien  de  con- 
traint  &  d'affecte",  on  ne  sent  point  que  ce  soit  une  Copie,  tant 
elle  a  Fair  original."  2  Furthermore,  in  the  Preface  of  the  Henriade 
published  in  1730  there  is  a  flattering  allusion  to  Desfontaines' 
translation;  PAbb6  Desfontaines  is  spoken  of  as  writing  "  avec 
plus  d'e*le"gance  et  de  puret6  que  personne  .  .  .  M.  de  Vol 
taire  ne  se  seroit  pas  flatt6  de  se  traduire  lui-meme  aussi  bien 
que  M.  I'abb6  des  Fontaines  1'a  traduit."  3  This  praise  is,  how 
ever,  somewhat  qualified  by  the  words  "  a  quelques  inadvertances 
pres  "  added  in  parentheses.  In  view  of  these  conflicting  state 
ments  regarding  the  value  of  the  translation  it  seems  worth  while 
to  examine  it  in  some  detail.  The  small  volume  is  rare4  and, 
moreover,  it  offers  a  certain  interest  as  the  work  of  one  of  the 
most  prolific  translators  of  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century. 


A  comparison  of  the  English  original  with  the  text  of  the  trans 
lation  as  it  was  published  in  1728  gives  interesting  results.  The 
errors  mentioned  by  Voltaire  exist.6  In  addition,  there  are  num 
erous  other  mistranslations  which  indicate  an  insufficient  knowl 
edge  of  English  or  great  carelessness  on  the  part  of  the  translator. 
For  example,  in  the  phrase,  "  longer  than  the  other  Americans,"  • 
Americans  has  been  replaced  by  Africains.  The  adjective 
"hard"  is  translated  once  hardi1  and  again  perilleux;*  "anxious 

1  P.  1419. 

*  1728,  XII,  p.  265. 

8  Cf.  p.  11,  note  1,  ante. 

*  It  was   already   spoken  of  as  rare  in  1772.     Cf.  p.  40,  note  3,  post.     The 
copy  used  in  this  chapter  was  consulted  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  where 
there  are  two  copies,  one  bound  with  the  French  translation  of  Rolli's  criticism 
of  the  essay. 

6  Pp.  94,  107,  post. 
8  P.  124,  post. 

7  P.  132,  post. 

8  P.  149,  post. 


36  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

and  cruel  "  becomes  politique  et  inquiet;1  "  preposterous  and  auk- 
ward,"  pueriles  et  hors  d'oeuvre;2  "  insupportable  and  insignifi 
cant,"  Us  plus  fatigants  et  les  plus  difficiles.3  "  Where  the  Bone 
and  the  Bladder  meet "  4  is  translated  ou  les  os  et  la  vessie 
s'eloignent. 

To  turn  to  examples  of  the  misconstruing  of  ideas,  the  sentence 
"  I  am  so  far  from  looking  upon  that  Liberty  as  a  Fault  that  I 
think  it  to  be  a  great  Beauty,"  5  is  rendered  in  the  French:  "Je 
suis  aussi  loin  de  regarder  cette  liberte  comme  une  faute  que  de 
la  regarder  comme  une  grande  beaute."  "  The  Earl  of  Ros- 
common  and  Mr.  Addison  (whose  judgement  seems  either  to  guide, 
or  to  justify  the  Opinion  of  his  Gentry  men),"  6  reads  in  the  French: 
"  Le  comte  de  Roscommon  et  M.  Addison  dont  les  sentiments 
entrainent  et  justifient  ceux  de  leurs  compatriotes."  "  His  Gods 
are  perhaps  at  once  absurd  and  entertaining,  as  the  Madness  of 
Ariosto  amuses  us  with  a  bewitching  Delight,"  7  is  translated: 
"  Ses  Dieux  sont  peutetre  en  meme  terns  absurdes  et  ridicules, 
ils  sont  neanmoins  aussi  amusans  que  les  extravagances  de  1'Arioste 
qui  nous  causent  une  espece  d'enchantment,"  a  rendering  which 
alters  the  meaning. 

The  text  contains,  moreover,  numerous  passages  which  are,  in 
their  relation  to  the  English,  such  as  one  might  expect  from  the 
author  of  the  preface  of  the  translation  of  Gulliver.8  In  many 
cases  the  sentences  have  been  translated  very  freely  and  frequently 
in  such  a  way  as  to  affect  the  sense.  These  alterations  often  take 
the  form  of  making  a  statement  more  emphatic  or  less  than  in 
the  English.  For  instance,  on  the  one  hand,  "  disliked "  9  is 

1  P.  115,  post. 

2  P.  138,  post. 

3  P.  149,  post. 

4  P.  146,  post. 

5  P.  137,  post. 
8  P.  141,  post. 

7  P.  91,  post. 

8  It  may  be  well  to  quote  passages  from  this  preface:  "Je  me  mis  a  le  traduire 
[Gulliver]  uniquement  pour  ma  propre   utilite,   c'est  a  dire  pour  me  perfec- 
tionner  dans  la  connaissance  de  la  Langue  Anglaise.    .    .    .    J'apprends  qu'on 
en  imprime  actuellement  une   [traduction]   en  Hollande.     Si  elle  est  litte'rale 
et  si  elle  est  faite  par  quelque  Traducteur  ordinaire  de  ce  pa'is  la,  je  prononce, 
sans  1'avoir  vue  qu'elle  est  fort  mauvaise.     .     .     .    Je  puis  neanmoins  dire  sans 
trop  me  flatter,  qu'elle  [his  own  translation]  a  un  certain  merite  que  1'original 
n'a  point.     .     .     .     Quoique  j'aye  fait  mon  possible  pour  ajuster  1'Ouvrage  de 
Monsieur  Swift  au  gout  de  la  France,  je  ne  pretens  pas  cependant  en  avoir 
fait  tout  a  fait  un  Ouvrage  Francais." 

9  P.  140,  post. 


THE  FRENCH  TRANSLATION  OF  THE  ESSAY  37 

translated  siffle,  and  "  would  not  succeed,"  1  serait  meprise,  while, 
on  the  other  hand,  "  could  not  be  tolerated,"  2  has  become 
deplairaient,  "  the  Taste  of  the  Nation  .  .  .  remains  in  its  full 
Force,"  3  la  nation  conserve  en  general  .  .  .  etc.  Again  words, 
phrases  and,  in  certain  cases,  whole  sentences  have  been  omitted 
in  the  translation.  In  the  passage  concerning  the  origin  of  the 
Romance  languages  omissions  have  altered  the  sense.  The  Eng 
lish  reads:  "  In  the  Course  of  a  thousand  Years,  the  Italians,  the 
French,  the  Spaniards,  refin'd  their  Manners  and  their  Idioms,"4 
which  has  become  in  French:  Mais  dans  le  cours  de  mille  ans, 
Us  ["  les  conquerants  du  Nord"]  polirent  egalement  leurs  manieres 
et  leur  langage.  The  expression  "  some  little  Descriptions, 
some  obvious  Similes  "  is  changed  by  the  omission  of  the 
adjectives  when  it  reads,  quelques  descriptions  et  quelques  com- 
paraisons.  In  the  connection  in  which  the  words  are  used  the 
difference  is  of  real  importance.5  On  the  other  hand  additions 
have  sometimes  been  made,  as  in  the  clause:  "  who  mistake  com 
monly  the  Beginning  of  an  Art,  for  the  Principles  of  the  Art  itself, 
and  are  apt  to  believe  that  every  Thing  .  .  .  ,"  6  which  becomes 
qui  par  un  travers  ridicule,  prennent  communement  les  commence 
ments  d'un  Art  pour  les  principes  de  I'art  meme,  asses  peu  judicieux 
pour  se  persuader  .  .  .  "  That  Nation  "  7  [France]  is  rendered 
cette  illustre  nation  and  "  those  Gentlemen,"  8  Messieurs  les  scolias- 
tes.  In  the  passage  concerning  "  the  common  Mass  "  of  those 
who  read  Homer9  the  words  dans  une  bonne  traduction  have  been 
added.10 


1  P.  85,  post. 

2  Ibid. 

3  P.  114,  post. 

4  P.  103,  post. 

5  P.  96,  post.     The  latter  part   of  the   English  advertisement,    "   Whosever 
hath  the  honor    .    .    ."  has  been  omitted  in  the  French. 

6  P.  81,  post. 

7  P.  132,  post. 

8  P.  122,  post. 

9  P.  90,  post. 

10  Three  notes  have  been  inserted  by  the  translator.    The  first  occurs  at  the 
end  of  the  advertisement  and  reads:    "  M.  de  Voltaire  n'a  point  mis  cet  Essay 
a  la  tete  de  P  Edition  de  son  Poeme  qui  est  imprime  a  Londres  in-4o  et  qui  parott 
depuis  quelques  mois."    The  second  concerns  the  gender  of  the  word  sin:   "  Les 
Anglais  n'ont  ni  mots  Masculins  ni    mots   Feminins."     Cf.   p.    140,  post.     The 
third  follows  the  passage  having  to  do  with  the  building  of  the  bridge  in  Para 
dise   Lost   and  is  particularly  interesting  in  view  of  the  ignorance  with  regard 
to  Dante  which  prevailed  in  France  at  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century: 
"  Le  Dante  les  fait  aller  [men's  souls]  en  Enfer  a  Cheval."     Cf.  p.  133,  note  3, 
post. 


38  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

There  is  a  third  class  of  changes  which  are  to  be  distinguished 
from  the  various  kinds  of  free  translations  we  have  been  discussing 
in  that  they  have  to  do  directly  with  the  adaptation  of  the  text 
to  the  French  public.  These  changes  consist  largely  in  the  omis 
sion  or  softening  of  passages  which  would  be  offensive  to  the 
Roman  Catholic  church  or  the  French  government.  In  the  light 
of  the  strict  censorship  of  the  press  which  prevailed  at  the  time 
and  the  difficulty  often  experienced  in  obtaining  permission  to 
print  a  work,1  these  suppressions  were  probably  necessary  for  the 
publication  of  the  essay  in  France  as  well  as  for  its  success  with 
French  people.2  The  fact  that  the  translator  was  a  Jesuit  priest, 
together  with  the  general  necessity  of  conciliating  the  recognized 
religion,  accounts  for  the  altering  of  various  passages.  For  in 
stance:  "Jesuitical  Distinctions"  3  has  become  distinctions  sophis- 
tiques,  and  the  phrase:  "  all  the  Parts  of  Popish  Religion 
which  are  accounted  comical  and  mean  in  England "  4  reads 
quelques  autres  pratiques  de  la  Religion  Romaine.  The  following 
sentence  has  been  omitted:  "If  an  Author  among  the  French, 
attempts  a  Poem  on  Clovis,  he  is  allow'd  to  speak  of  the  Holy 
Vial,  brought  down  from  Heaven,  in  the  Bill  of  a  Dove,  into  the 
church  of  Rheims  for  the  Coronation  of  the  King."  5  The  trans 
lator  no  doubt  felt  that  a  sacred  tradition  of  the  church  and  of 
the  state  was  spoken  of  too  lightly.  Three  passages  bearing  on 
oppression  in  France  as  contrasted  with  English  liberty  have  been 
softened  or  suppressed  altogether.  In  the  translation  of  the 
phrase:  "  To  this  happy  Freedom  that  the  British  Nation  enjoys 
in  every  Thing,"  6  the  words  "  in  every  Thing  "  have  been  omit- 

1  Permission  for  printing  the  translation  of  the  Essay  on  the  Civil  Wars  in 
France  was,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  refused  and  the  work  appeared  in  Holland. 
Cf.  Bibl.  fran^. ,  XIII.  Cf.  Ballantyne,  p.  187:  "  So  harmless  a  thing  as  Vol 
taire's  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  was  proscribed  in  France."  It  seems  likely  that 
Ballantyne  has  here  confused  the  two  English  essays. 

2Cf.  Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  138:  "  I  think  I  am  not  to  let  the  French  court  know 
that  I  think  and  write  like  a  free  Englishman.'' 

3  P.  119,  post. 

4  P.  122,  post. 

6  Cf.  p.  95,  post.  In  an  analysis  of  the  translation  of  the  Essay  on  Epic 
Poetry,  in  the  Journal  des  Sgavans  for  September,  1728,  XII,  p.  165,  occurs  the 
sentence:  "  Le  traducteur  de  cet  ouvrage  nous  prie  d'assurer  le  public  que 
cette  traduction  est  fidele  et  qu'il  n'en  a  retranch6  que  trois  lignes  qui  regardent 
la  sainte  ampoule."  This  assertion  is  remarkable  in  view  of  the  inaccuracy  of 
the  work  as  a  whole,  and  seems  to  indicate  that  the  translator  had  already  been 
criticized  for  inaccuracy.  It  is  significant  that  he  should  have  chosen  the 
Journal  des  Sgavans  to  make  his  statement  to  the  public. 

6  Cf.  p.  146,  post. 


THE  FRENCH  TRANSLATION  OF  THE  ESSAY  39 

ted,  making  the  allusion  a  purely  literary  one.  This  very  signifi 
cant  sentence  does  not  appear  at  all:  "  For  it  is  with  our  heroic 
Poetry  as  with  our  Trade  we  come  up  to  the  English  in  neither 
for  want  of  being  a  free  Nation."  1  The  allusion  to  the  Revoca 
tion  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  contained  in  the  words  "  as  the  com 
pelling  our  Protestants  away  hath  thinned  the  Nation,"  2  has 
also  been  omitted.3 

All  this  makes  clear  that,  even  leaving  out  of  account  the  con 
cessions  to  French  censorship,  the  translation  can  by  no  means 
be  considered  a  satisfactory  one.4 


Why  Voltaire  reprinted  in  the  edition  of  his  works  issued  in 
1732  the  very  translation  which  he  had  declared  so  unsatisfactory 
will  be  discussed  in  connection  with  the  history  of  the  publica 
tion  of  his  own  French  version  of  the  Essay.  We  are  now  con 
cerned  only  with  the  form  in  which  the  translation  appeared  in 
1732.  In  the  letter  to  the  authors  of  the  Bibliotheque  fran<;aise* 
and  at  various  other  times  Voltaire  spoke  of  having  corrected 
Desfontaines'  text  before  reprinting  it.  In  several  prefaces  to 
the  Essai  in  early  editions  of  Voltaire's  works  reference  is  made 
to  such  corrections.  By  comparing  the  translation  as  it  was 
published  in  1728  with  the  form  in  which  it  appeared  in  1732, 
we  may  discover  wherein  those  corrections  consisted. 

The  comparison  shows  at  once  that  many  changes  have  been 
made  in  punctuation,  capitalization,  and  spelling,  although  some 
errors  are  left  uncorrected.  There  are  in  the  course  of  the  essay 
about  forty  variants  which  involve  change  in  wording.  Of  these 
only  four  or  five  are  actual  corrections  of  inaccuracies  contained 
in  the  translation  of  1728.  In  the  famous  passage  concerning 
the  Cakes,  "  la  faim  devorante  de  Cacus  "  has  been  replaced  by 
les  Troyens  mangeant  leurs  assiettes.  It  is  very  curious  that  the 

1  P.  149,  post. 

2  Ibid. 

3  Desfontaines  made  a  change  in  the  order  in  which  the  poets  were  treated, 
placing  Tasso  after,  instead  of  before,  Ercilla  and  therefore  immediately  before 
Milton. 

4  Bengesco   (II,  p.  5)  speaks  of    Desfontaines'  version  of  the  Advertisement 
of  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  as  both  faulty  and  incomplete  and  prints,  in  con 
sequence,  a  translation  of  the  Advertisement  which  he  himself  has  made.     Des 
fontaines'  rendering  of  the  Advertisement  is,  however,  no  more  inaccurate  than 
that  of  the  essay  proper  and  may,  on  the  other  hand,  be  considered  typical 
of  the  whole. 

*  Cf.  p.  34,  ante. 


40  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

second  definite  error  mentioned  by  Voltaire  is  not  corrected.  The 
words,  les  Indes  Occidentales,  translating  "  East  Indies,"  are  un 
changed.  The  error  Africains  for  "Americans,"  also  remains 
unchanged.  The  sentence:  "Je  suis  aussi  eloigne  de  regarder 
cette  liberte  comme  une  faute  que  de  la  regarder  comme  une 
grande  beaute"  has  been  changed  to  read:  "Je  suis  si  loin  de 
les  croire  [les  traits  de  morale]  un  defaut  que  je  les  regarde  comme 
une  grande  beaute,"  which  restores  the  sense  of  the  English. 
The  passage  concerning  the  "  Holy  Vial  "  has  been  inserted.  Vol 
taire  was  never  over-cautious  in  remarks  involving  the  church. 
In  some  cases  a  few  words  have  been  added,  expressing  an  unim 
portant  idea  found  neither  in  the  translation  of  1728  nor  in  the 
English,  or  slightly  altering  the  original  meaning.  In  several  cases 
the  same  thing  is  simply  put  in  a  different  way.1 

It  is  clear  that  the  work  of  revision  was  done  hastily  and  with 
no  systematic  thoroughness.  That  Voltaire  should  have  con 
tented  himself  with  comparatively  few  alterations,  leaving  the 
text  of  1728  substantially  unchanged  is  inconsistent  with  two 
statements  with  regard  to  Desfontaines'  translation  which  he  made 
some  years  later  in  the  letter  to  the  Bibliotheque  franc,  aise:  "  II 
y  avait  autant  de  contresens  que  de  lignes  "  and  "Je  corrigeai 
ses  fautes."  2  Such  inconsistency  is,  however,  very  characteristic 
of  Voltaire.3 

1  It  is  interesting    to  notice  that  Voltaire    has  in  part  restored  his  original 
title,  still  omitting,  however,  the  words  which  Rolli  considered  most  objection 
able.     It  is  now  called,  Essai  sur  la  Poesie  Epique  de  toutes  les  Nations.     Cf. 
p.  28,  note  1,  ante. 

2  Cf.  p.  34,  note  4,  ante. 

3  In  the  edition  of  Voltaire's  works  published  in  Neuchatel  in  1772,  the  abb6's 
translation  of  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  appears  with  the  explanatory  note: 
"  On  n'a  point  r6pete  ce  que  M.  de  Voltaire  a  conserve"  de  cette  traduction  dans 
les  Editions  infinies  de  cet  essai.     Nous  croyons  que  cela  meme  rendra  ce  mor- 
ceau  precieux     .     .     .     d'ailleurs  il  est  devenu  rare.     On  prouve  encore  par  la 
combien  M.  l'Abb6  Desfontaines  admira  alors  1'auteur  de  la  Henriade  quoiqu' 
ensuite  il  se  soit  brouille  avec  lui:  ut  magis  inimicitus  claresceret."     A  comparison 
of  the  essay  as  it  appears  in  this  edition  of  1772  with  the  translation  of  1728 
and  with  Voltaire's  French  version  shows  that  the  note  just  quoted  is  far  from 
accurate.     It  is  true  that  many  passages  have  been  omitted,  but  the  omissions 
have  not  been  made  systematically.     The  parts  omitted  are  by  no  means  always 
identical  with  passages  in  Voltaire's  version.     On  the  other  hand  certain  por 
tions  of  the  essay  have  been  retained  which  correspond  to  Voltaire's  text  as 
closely  as  others  which  have  been  omitted.     Considering  all  the  circumstances, 
it  is  remarkable  that  such  a  correspondence  should  exist  at  all.     That  is  a 
question  which  will  be  discussed  in  the  following  chapter. 


CHAPTER  IV 

VOLTAIRE'S  FRENCH  VERSION 

His  reasons  for  making  such  a  version — Delay  in  the  publication 
of  it — Causes  of  this  delay — Stages  in  the  preparation. 

Voltaire  had  felt  from  the  beginning  that  his  essays  should 
not  appear  in  France  in  the  form  in  which  they  had  been  pub 
lished  in  England.1  In  April,  1728,  he  first  mentions  an  adapta 
tion  for  the  French  public  of  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry.  In  a 
letter  to  Thieriot,  quoted  in  the  preceding  chapter,  he  writes 
in  regard  to  a  proposed  edition  of  the  Henriade:  "  Then  I  will 
send  you  my  plates  with  some  sheets  of  a  quarto  edition,  large 
paper,  begun  in  London,  with  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  in  French, 
and  calculated  for  the  French  meridian."  2  In  the  paragraph 
which  follows,  he  states  as  his  first  reason  for  disapproving  Des- 
fontaines'  project  for  translating  the  essay  that  he  himself  has 
already  "  translated  "  it.  In  the  letter  of  June  14  he  returns 
to  the  subject  of  his  own  French  version:  "  I  told  you  already, 
and  I  desire  you  to  apprize  your  friends  of  it,  that  the  English 
essay  was  but  the  sketch  of  a  very  serious  work  which  I  have 
almost  finished  in  French,  with  all  the  care,  the  liberty  and  the 
impartiality  I  am  capable  of  ...  I  intend  to  make  use  of 
your  advice,  and  to  give  the  public,  as  soon  as  possible,  the  best 
edition  I  can  of  the  Henriade,  together  with  my  true  Essay  on 
Poetry.  The  printing  of  them  both  is  a  duty  I  must  discharge 
before  I  think  of  other  duties  less  suitable  with  the  life  of  a  man 
of  letters,  but  becoming  a  man  of  honnour  and  from  which  you 
may  be  sure  I  shall  never  depart  as  long  as  I  breathe."  3  Again, 
the  fourth  of  August,  writing  to  Thieriot  in  regard  to  the  edition 

1  Cf.  p.  27,  note  1,  ante. 

2  Foulet,  Corr.,  pp.  144-145.     In  a  letter  written  in  1732,  Voltaire  speaks 
of  another  occasion  when  he  had  found  himself  under  the  necessity  of  altering 
what  he  had  written  in  England  before  publishing  it  in  France:    "  II  me  faut 
d£guiser  a  Paris  ce  que  je  ne  pourrais  dire  trop  fortement  a  Londres.     .     .     . 
Je  suis     .     .     .     oblige  de  changer  tout  ce  que  j'avais  ecrit  a  1'occasion  de  M. 
Locke,  parcequ'  apres  tout  je  veux  vivre  en  France,  et  qu'il  ne  m'est  pas  permis 
d'etre  aussi  philosophe  qu'un  Anglais."     Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  p.  307. 

8  Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  155. 


42  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

of  the  Henriade  which  he  proposes  to  publish  in  the  near  future, 
Voltaire  adds:  "Je  joindrai  a  cette  Edition  un  Essai  sur  la  poesie 
epique  qui  ne  sera  point  la  traduction  d'un  embryon  anglais  mal 
forme,  mais  un  ouvrage  complet."  1 

The  same  reasons  which  had  prompted  the  writing  and  pub 
lishing  of  the  two  English  essays  hold  good,  in  even  greater 
measure,  for  Voltaire's  wish  to  present  to  the  French  public  a 
suitable  version  of  one  of  them.  The  Essay  on  the  Civil  Wars, 
furnishing  the  historical  background  for  the  Henriade,  was  scarcely 
needed  in  the  author's  own  country.  On  the  other  hand,  that 
dealing  with  epic  poetry  might  be  expected  to  have  in  France  an 
influence  similar  to  that  of  the  two  essays  in  England  but  a  some 
what  more  serious  and  more  lasting  one.  In  London  the  small 
volume  had  served  a  rather  ephemeral  purpose,  heralding  the 
appearance  of  a  work  little  known  and  stimulating  the  curiosity 
of  the  public.  In  France  the  Essai  sur  la  Poesie  Epique  was 
meant  to  convince  its  readers  of  the  permanent  value  of  a  poem 
which,  although  inaccessible,  was  already  fairly  well  known.  The 
publication  of  the  essay  would,  then,  quite  naturally  be  included 
in  the  project  which  was  still  nearest  Voltaire's  heart,  namely, 
the  placing  of  a  satisfactory  edition  of  the  Henriade  within  the 
reach  of  French  readers.2 

To  turn  to  a  secondary  motive,  Voltaire's  desire  in  writing 
the  English  essay  to  contribute  something  to  comparative  litera 
ture  would  operate  more  strongly  in  favor  of  a  French  version, 
since  it  was  evidently  among  the  French  that  he  felt  there  was 
the  greatest  need  of  such  broadening  influences.3  The  closing 
words  of  the  sentence  last  quoted  are  significant  in  this  connec 
tion:  "  Un  ouvrage  .  .  .  tres  curieux  pour  ceux  qui,  quoique 
nes  en  France,  veulent  avoir  une  idee  du  gout  des  autres  nations." 


In  view  of  Voltaire's  statements  during  the  year  1728,  slightly 
inconsistent,  to  be  sure,  since  he  says  first  that  he  has  already 

1  Foulet,  Can.,  p.  175. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  300:   "  Mais  le  fait  est  que  la  Henriade  est  introuvable  en  France. 
.    .    .    Un  Franc,  ais  de  1729  qui  veut  lire  la  Henriade  doit  premierement  passer 
la  frontiere." 

•Cf.  p.  70,  post.  Cf.  also  Mercure  de  France,  June,  1728:  "  II  y  a  bien  ^ 
profiter  dans  cet  e"crit  [I' Essai].  .  .  .  On  nous  donne  icy  une  id6e  curi- 
euse  de  tous  ces  Poemes,  dont  la  plupart  sont  aussi  peu  connus  en  France 
qu'ils  sont  estimez  dans  leurs  pays."  Cf.  also  Bibliotheque  franfaise,  XII, 
1728,  Article  II:  "  Cet  ouvrage  si  ne"cessaire  aux  Frangais,  pour  leur  don- 
ner  une  id6e  de  Poemes  Epiques  Strangers  qu'ils  ne  connaissent  presque  pas." 


VOLTAIRE'S  FRENCH  VERSION  43 

made  a  French  version  and  later  that  he  has  nearly  completed 
such  a  version,  one  would  certainly  expect  the  Essai  sur  la  Poesie 
Epique  to  appear  with  the  first  edition  of  the  Henriade  published 
by  the  poet  after  his  return  from  England.  There  is,  indeed, 
some  reason  for  believing  that  the  manuscript  of  the  essay  was 
submitted  to  the  royal  censor  in  May,  1729.1  Yet  when  the 
promised  edition  of  the  Henriade  appeared  in  France  in  the  late 
months  of  the  year  1730,  no  essay  on  epic  poetry  was  printed 
with  it.  The  matter  is  touched  upon  in  the  preface.  We  are 
told  that  there  has  been  some  question  of  reprinting  the  Abbe" 
Desfontaines'  translation  with  the  Henriade,  but,  since  "  cet 
Essay  est  plutot  un  simple  expose  des  Poe'mes  epiques  anciens 
&  modernes,  qu'une  Dissertation  bien  utile  sur  cet  Art.  .  .  . 
On  prend  le  parti  de  renvoier  ceux  qui  seroient  curieux  de  lire 
cet  Essai  ...  a  la  traduction  frangaise  de  M.  des  Fontaines." 
There  follows  an  explanation  of  the  fact  that  the  French  version 
— "  un  plus  long  Ouvrage  que  M.  de  Voltaire  a  compose  depuis  " 
—has  not  been  published  either.  The  author,  "ne  croyant  pas  que 
ce  soit  a  lui  de  donner  des  Regies  pour  courir  dans  une  carriere 
dans  laquelle  il  n'a  fait  peut-etre  que  broncher,"  2  dares  not  print  it. 
Nearly  a  year  later,  in  August,  1731,  Voltaire  writes  to  his 
friend  M.  de  Cideville  in  Rouen:  "Jore  [his  publisher,  also  of 
Rouen]  doit  avoir  regu  I' Essai  sur  la  Poesie  epique,  que  je  vous 
supplie  de  lire."  3  In  another  letter  written  toward  the  end  of 
the  month,  he  asks  the  same  correspondent  to  become  "  le  tuteur 
de  la  Henriade  et  de  I' Essai  sur  I' Epopee,"  but  it  appears  that 
he  had  sent  only  a  portion  of  the  manuscript  of  the  essay  to 
Rouen.  "  Vous  etes  d'etranges  gens,"  writes  Voltaire,  "de  croire 
que  je  m'arrete  apres  la  vie  de  Milton,  et  que  je  me  borne  a  etre 
son  historien.  Je  vous  ai  seulement  envoye,  a  bon  compte,  cette 
partie  de  I' Essai,  et  j'espere,  dans  peu  de  jours,  vous  envoyer 
la  fin,  que  je  n'ai  pu  encore  retravailler.  Je  vous  avoue  que  je 
serai  bien  embarrasse  quand  il  faudra  parler  de  moi."  In  closing 
this  letter  Voltaire  gives  explicit  directions  concerning  the  printing 
of  the  essay,  which  he  evidently  looks  upon  as  imminent:  "A 

1  Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  307,  note  1:  "Nous  croyons  que  c'est  en  effet  I' Essai 
[sur  la  poesie  6pique]  qui,  sous  le  titre  de  'Essai  sur  la  Po6tique  par  le  sieur  de 
Voltaire,'  fut  k  la  date  du  22  mai  1729  pr6sent6  par  I'imprimeur  Sevestre  et  sou- 
mis  au  censeur  Gallyot." 

2Cf.  p.  11,  note  1,  ante. 

3  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  p.  225. 


44  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

1'egard  du  peu  de  vers  anglais  qui  peuvent  se  trouver  dans  I'  Essai 
sur  la  Poesie  Epique,  Jore  n'aura  qu'a  m'envoyer  la  feuille  par 
la  poste."  1  Two  months  later  he  writes  M.  de  Fromont:  "J'ai 
envoye  a  M.  Jore  I' Essai  sur  la  Poesie  epique,  que  1'on  doit  im- 
primer  a  la  fin  de  la  Henriade,"  2  but  that  the  revision  of  which 
he  had  spoken  earlier  was  not  yet  accomplished  appears  from  a 
second  letter  written  to  M.  de  Fromont  in  November:  "J'ai 
aussi  a  vous  consulter  sur  la  maniere  dont  je  dois  finir  mon  Essai 
sur  le  Poeme  epique,  et  mes  Lettres  sur  les  Anglais."  3  And, 
indeed,  the  Jore  edition  of  the  Henriade  and  the  Essai  was  not 
destined  to  appear  for  a  year  and  a  half. 

In  the  meantime,  in  the  summer  of  1732,  an  edition  of  Vol 
taire's  works,  announced  as  corrected  by  himself,  was  issued  in 
Amsterdam.4  It  seems  strange  on  the  face  of  it  that  this  edition 
did  not  contain  the  poet's  own  version  of  the  Essai  sur  la  poesie 
epique  which  he  had  begun  four  years  before,  and  still  stranger 
that  it  did  include  Desfontaines'  translation  of  which  Voltaire 
had  spoken  so  slightingly.  Yet  both  these  facts  cease  to  appear 
extraordinary  when  one  considers  the  circumstances.  Although 
the  editors  announced:  "  M.  de  Voltaire  lui-meme  nous  a  fait 
souvent  1'honneur  de  nous  e"crire  au  sujet  de  cette  presente  Edi 
tion,  et  a  bien  voulu  nous  envoyer  les  divers  changements  qui 
1'embellissent,"  Voltaire's  attitude  toward  this  1732  edition  was 
not  cordial,  as  may  be  seen  in  a  letter  written  to  M.  de  Fromont 
shortly  after  its  publication:  "  II  faut  que  je  me  disculpe  un 
peu  sur  l'e"dition  de  mes  oeuvres,  soi-disant  completes,  qui  vient 
de  paraitre  en  Hollande.  Je  n'ai  pu  me  dispenser  de  fournir 
quelques  corrections  et  quelques  changements  au  libraire  qui  avait 
deja  mes  ouvrages,  et  qui  les  imprimait,  malgre  moi,  sur  les  copies 
de"fectueuses  qui  etaient  entre  ses  mains.  Mais  ne  sachant  pas 
precisement  quelles  pieces  fugitives  il  avait  de  moi,  je  n'ai  pu 
les  corriger  toutes.  Non-seulement  je  ne  reponds  point  de  1'edi- 
tion,  mais  j'empecherai  qu'elle  n'entre  en  France."  5 

According  to  Voltaire's  own  statements  made  elsewhere,  the 
translated  essay  was  one  of  these  "  pieces  fugitives  "  which  he 
did  correct;6  how  very  summarily  has  been  seen  from  the  exami- 

1  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  pp.  225,  226. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  234. 

3  Ibid.,  pp.  237-238. 

«  Cf.  p.  28,  note  4,  ante. 
s  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  p.  279. 
s  Ibid.,  XXXIV,  p.  134. 


VOLTAIRE'S  FRENCH  VERSION  45 

nation  of  the  text.  It  is  entirely  natural  that  the  author  should 
not  wish  to  complete  hastily  and  to  publish  for  the  first  time 
in  such  an  edition  of  his  works,  a  piece  of  writing  to  which  he 
had  given  a  considerable  amount  of  thought  and  which  was  of 
real  importance  in  its  connection  with  the  Henriade.  Moreover 
a  part  of  his  manuscript  was  at  Jore's,  in  whose  delayed  edition 
of  the  Henriade  it  was  to  appear.1  On  the  other  hand  the  Des- 
fontaines  translation  was  probably  already  in  the  hands  of  the 
Amsterdam  editor,  especially  if  it  had  been  published,  as  it  had 
purported  to  be  published,  in  Holland  a  few  years  before.2  Vol 
taire  knew  that  this  translation  had  been  received  with  favor  at 
the  time  of  its  publication  in  Paris,  and  his  hostility  to  Desfon- 
taines  was  not  yet  such  as  to  make  him  intolerant  of  the  inac 
curacy  of  his  work.  The  embodiment  of  the  translation  in  the 
edition  in  question  is  not,  then,  after  all,  incomprehensible,  as 
an  expedient  to  serve  until  Voltaire  should  have  an  opportunity 
to  publish  the  Essai  sur  la  poesie  epique  quite  as  he  wished  it  in 
the  long-announced  edition  of  the  summer  of  1733. 3  There  it 
was  announced  as  "  1'ouvrage  de  M.  de  Voltaire  lui-meme  fort 
different  de  cette  esquisse  qu'il  donna  en  langue  anglaise  en  1728 
[sic]."  "  Get  essai,"  it  is  added,  "  tel  qu'il  est  n'a  jamais  etc" 
imprime  que  dans  cette  edition." 


When,  now,  were  the  various  parts  of  the  Essai  actually  written, 
and  why  did  five  years  intervene  between  the  first  mention  of  the 
existence  of  the  French  version  and  its  publication  ?  Voltaire's 
words:  "  Since  I  have  translated  it  myself,"  4  in  the  letter  written 
to  prevent  Desfontaines  from  translating  his  essay,  must  not  be 
taken  too  literally.  He  no  doubt  had  the  project  definitely  in 
mind  and  he  may  have  begun,  but  he  certainly  had  not  com 
pleted,  his  French  version  when  he  wrote  this  letter.  We  have 
convincing  and  surprising  evidence  to  that  effect.  A  comparison 
of  texts  shows  us  that  numerous  sentences  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  chapter  on  Tasso  and  the  whole  section  dealing  with  Ercilla, 

1  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  pp.  308,  309.  "  On  avait  commence',  il  y  a  quelque 
temps,  monsieur,  une  edition  de  quelques  uns  de  mes  ouvrages,  qui  a  ete  sus- 
pendue." 

2Cf.  p.  28,  note  3,  ante. 

3  Cf.  p.  29,  note  5,  ante.    This   edition   issued  by  Jore  in  Rouen,  appeared 
under  the  name  of  Innis,  London.     Cf.  Bengesco,  I,  p.  104. 

4  Cf.  p.  41,  ante. 


46  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

as  they  appeared  in  Voltaire's  French  version  in  1733,  were  prac 
tically  identical  with  the  corresponding  portions  of  Desfontaines' 
translation.1  This  discovery  is  doubly  surprising  in  view  of 
Voltaire's  prompt  criticism  of  the  abbe's  work  and  of  the  careful 
attention  we  know  him  to  have  given  certain  other  parts  of  the 
essay.  The  passages  taken  from  Desfontaines  included  one  of 
the  most  striking  slips  in  the  translation,  the  replacing  of  the 
word  "Americans"  by  Africains.  Africa/ins  was  kept  by  Vol 
taire  and  appears  in  his  essay  as  late  as  1751.  The  edition  of 
1756  corrects  this  error.2 

We  may  surmise  that  Voltaire  had  prepared  a  rough  French 
draft  up  to  the  latter  part  of  the  chapter  on  Tasso;  then  it 
occurred  to  him  to  use  Desfontaines'  translation;  this  he  did  in 
part  for  the  remainder  of  the  chapter  and  for  that  on  Ercilla 
which  follows.  Since  one  of  the  changes  which  he  had  first 
indicated  as  essential  to  the  success  of  his  essay  in  France  was 
the  revision  of  the  section  on  Milton,3  he  naturally  ceases  to 
borrow  from  Desfontaines  at  that  point.  From  statements  in  the 
text  we  know  that  the  beginning,  and  indeed  the  greater  part  of 
the  section  on  Milton,  cannot  have  been  written  until  after  the 
appearance  of  the  French  translation  of  Paradise  Lost  in  1729.4 
It  seems  reasonable  to  suppose  that  Voltaire  was  hesitating  over 
this  chapter  when,  in  the  very  letter  in  which  he  acknowledged 
the  receipt  of  Desfontaines'  translation,  he  spoke  of  having  nearly 
completed  the  French  version  of  his  essay.5 

In  1730  it  was  stated  that  the  version  had  been  finished  but 
that  the  author  did  not  print  it,  fearing  to  appear  to  set  down  rules 

1  The  few  unimportant    differences    existing  between  Desfontaines'  text  of 
the  chapter  on  Ercilla  and  Voltaire's  in  modern  editions  of  the  essay  are  in 
nearly  every  case  due  to  changes  made  in  the  latter  since  1733.     Cf.  pp.  157- 
159,  post.     In  1756  a  note  was    added    in    the    French    version    referring    to 
the  sentence  in  the  chapter  on  Milton  in  which  the  English  essay  is  mentioned: 
"  C'est  en  partie  celui-ci  meme,  qui,  en  plusieurs  endroits,  est  une  traduction 
litte'rale  de  1'ouvrage  anglais."     Oeuvres,  VIII,  p.  360.     We  are  not  told,  how 
ever,  that  the  translation  was  in  some  cases  Desfontaines'. 

2  Cf.  p.  158,  post. 

3  Cf.  Foulet,  Corr.,  p.    145:  "What  I  say  of  Milton   cannot  be  understood 
by  the  French  unless  I  give  a  fuller  notion  of  that  author."    Ibid.,  p  154:   "  It 
is  but  a  slight  performance  in  English  [the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry],  but  is  a  ridicu 
lous  one  in  French  [Desfontaines'  translation] ;  for  the  articles  relating  to  Milton, 
to  sir  John  Denham,  Waller,  Dryden,  must  needs  be  altogether  out  of  the  way 
of  a  French  reader." 

4  P.  130,  note  1,  post. 
6  Cf.  p.  41,  ante. 


VOLTAIRE'S  FRENCH  VERSION  47 

in  a  "  carriere  "  in  which  he  was  but  stumbling  himself.1  With 
out  seeing  any  undue  modesty  in  this  remark,  we  may,  perhaps, 
believe  that  Voltaire  felt  that  he  could  make  his  essay  of  more 
lasting  use  to  the  Henriade  and  could  in  particular  write  more 
tactfully  of  the  poem,  after  having  observed  the  nature  of  the 
reception  accorded  by  French  readers  to  the  first  complete  edition 
accessible  to  them.  It  will  be  remembered  that  in  the  autumn 
of  1731,  Voltaire  was  still  uncertain  and  was  asking  advice  on 
this  point  as  well  as  concerning  the  chapter  on  Milton.2  The 
fact  that  Paradise  Lost  had  recently  been  translated  and  had 
enjoyed  enough  popularity  to  make  it  a  possible  rival  of  the 
Henriade,  rendered  it  a  live  issue  to  Voltaire  and  required,  in 
view  of  his  chief  purpose  in  publishing  the  essay,  that  he  give  a 
certain  amount  of  thought  to  his  treatment  of  the  English  poet. 

But  thought  meant  time  and  Voltaire's  correspondence  during 
the  years  following  his  return  from  England  shows  that  he  was 
occupied  with  many  literary  undertakings.3  Lack  of  time,  indeed, 
is  the  explanation  which  he  himself  gives  for  having  reprinted 
Abbe  Desfontaines'  translation  in  the  Amsterdam  edition  of  his 
works.4 

Whatever  the  cause,  it  appears  that  his  own  version  was  not 
complete  in  1732. 5  Furthermore,  it  is  evident  that  even  earlier 
parts  of  the  French  version  were  rewritten  in  after  years,  if  indeed 
a  first  draft  of  them  was  made  in  1728.6  A  study  of  the  subject- 
matter  of  the  chapter  on  Homer  in  the  French  and  in  the  English 

1  P.  43,  ante. 

2  Pp.  43-44,  ante. 

3  Cf.  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  pp.   195,  198,  214,  256,  265,  273,  274,  276,  292,  309, 
312,  318,  325,  359. 

4  Cf .  Ibid.,  XXXIV,  p.  134  (already  quoted,  p.  34,  ante) :  "Je  fis  imprimer 
sa  traduction  a  la  suite  de  la  Henriade,  en  attendant  que  j'eusse  le  loisir  de  faire 
mon  Essai  sur  V  Epopee  en  francais." 

B  Cf .  Jusserand,  Shakespeare  in  France,  p.  209,  note:  "A  letter  to  Thieriot 
of  June  14  (1728),  shows  that  he  had  already  put  on  paper  at  that  date  the  addi 
tions  and  corrections  which  he  introduced  later  in  the  French  text  of  his  '  Essai  ' 
(first  published  in  English  in  an  abbreviated  form,  and  without  the  passage 
here  quoted,  1727)." 

6  The  study  of  the  subject-matter  will  also  make  it  seem  probable  either  that 
the  greater  part  of  the  French  text  was  not  written  until  after  the  appearance 
of  Rolli's  Remarks  on  the  English  essay  or  that  various  passages  were  revised 
in  view  of  the  content  of  these  Remarks.  Cf.  p.  69,  note  4,  post.  Rolli's 
book  was  probably  published  in  London  in  the  spring  or  early  summer  of  1728. 
It  is  announced  in  the  section  for  London  news  in  the  Journal  des  Sgavans,  June, 
1728,  p.  378:  "  Th.  Edlin  a  imprime"  les  Remarques  de  M.  Paul  Rolli  sur  1'essai 
pub Ii6  en  anglais  par  .  .  .  M.  Voltaire  sur  la  Poe"sie  e"pique." 


48  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

essays  reveals  such  a  marked  change  in  tone  and  opinion1  that, 
as  in  the  case  of  Milton,2  it  is  impossible  that  the  two  chapters 
should  belong  even  approximately  to  the  same  period. 

1  Cf.  p.  66,  post. 
-  Cf.  p.  68,  post. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  ESSAY 

Voltaire's  choice  of  poets — His  knowledge  of  the  languages  repre 
sented  in  the  poems — Substance  of  the  English  essay — The  Hen- 
riade  a  determining  influence — Passages  bearing  upon  the  quarrel 
of  the  ancients  and  the  moderns  and  upon  literary  cosmopoli 
tanism — Significant  differences  between  his  English  and  his  French 
versions,  in  form  and  subject-matter. 

Voltaire  chose  eight  epic  poets,  one  Greek,  two  Latin,  two 
Italian,  one  Portuguese  and  one  English,  as  representative  of  the 
European  nations.  Investigation  bears  out  the  natural  assump 
tion  that  his  choice  was  influenced  by  the  chief  purpose  of  the 
essay,  that  of  preparing  the  way  for  the  Henriade. 

Any  adequate  discussion  of  epic  poetry  would  of  necessity  begin 
with  Homer  and  Virgil,  especially  at  a  period  when  the  rules  of 
the  type  were  founded  on  the  Iliad,  the  Odyssey  and  the  Aeneid 
together  with  Aristotle's  Poetics,  and  when  the  writings  of  Greek 
and  Latin  poets  were  still  the  subject  of  many  lively  differences 
of  opinion.  It  suited  Voltaire's  purpose  to  include  in  his  list  the 
Pharsalia,  already  known  in  France  through  Brebeuf's  transla 
tion,1  because  of  the  similarity  between  Lucan's  choice  of  subject 
and  his  own.  The  use  of  modern  historical  material  in  an  epic 
poem  was  sufficiently  out  of  the  common  to  need  defence. 

As  for  Tasso,  the  Henriade  shows  that  Voltaire  was  so  familiar 
with  the  Gerusalemme  Liberata2  that  its  author  was  certain  to 
find  a  place  in  the  essay.  Voltaire  himself  explains  that  Trissino 
is  worthy  of  attention  as  the  first  to  attempt  an  epic  poem  in  a 
modern  tongue,  in  the  sense,  be  it  understood,  given  to  the  term 
epic  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries.3  To  those  who 

1  Guillaume  de  Breheuf  (1618-1661),  Pharsale  de  Lucain,  1655,  1657. 

2  Bouvy,   Voltaire  et  I'ltalie,  p.   182:    "  Une  chose  certaine,  c'est  que  sans 
Jerusalem   delivree   comme  sans     I'Eneide,   la  Henriade  n'existerait   point,   ou 
existerait  toute  diffe'rente  de  ce  qu'elle  est." 

3  Cf .  Rapin,  Reflexions  sur  la  poetique  de  ce  temps,  p.  16:    "  Le  premier  des 
poetes  italiens  qui  fit  voir  que  1'art  de  la  Poetique  ne  lui  etait  pas  tout  a   fait 
inconnu,  fut  Georgio  Trissino  dans  son  Poe'me  de  I'ltalie  delivree  des  Gots." 


50  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

regard  the  Divine  Comedy  as  an  epic,  it  seems  extraordinary  to 
have  included  an  Italian  so  little  known  as  Trissino  and  to  have 
passed  over  Dante.  Such  an  omission  was,  however,  quite  in 
keeping  with  the  time,  for  the  Divine  Comedy,  embodying  the 
spirit  of  the  middle  ages,  was,  as  shown  by  Bouvy,  almost  unknown 
and  entirely  unappreciated  in  France  in  the  seventeenth  and  early 
eighteenth  centuries.1  Later  Voltaire,  whether  in  adverse  criticism 
or  praise,  showed  considerable  interest  in  Dante  but  it  is  likely 
that  at  the  time  of  his  visit  to  England  he  was  entirely  unac 
quainted  with  the  Divina  Commedia.- 

In  view  of  the  French  poet's  later  admiration  for  Ariosto  one 
might  expect  the  author  of  Orlando  Furioso  to  be  included  in 
Voltaire's  list.  From  the  brief  reference  to  that  poet  in  the  essay, 
it  appears  that  although  Voltaire  already  enjoyed  the  Orlando, 
he  considered  extravagance  Ariosto's  distinguishing  characteristic. 
Indeed  it  was  long  the  comic  side  of  the  Orlando  that  appealed 
to  Voltaire  most3  and  he  stated  repeatedly  that  Ariosto  was  not 
sufficiently  serious  to  be  considered  an  epic  poet.4  Toward  the 
end  of  his  life  he  seemed  to  repent  of  that  verdict.  In  1761  he 
wrote:  "  L'Arioste  est  mon  Dieu.  Tous  les  poe'mes 

m'ennuient,  hors  le  sien.  Je  ne  1'aimais  pas  assez  dans  ma  jeu- 
nesse;  je  ne  savais  pas  assez  Pitalien,"  5  and  in  1764  in  the  Dic- 
tionnaire  philosophique:  "Je  n'avais  pas  ose"  autrefois  le  compter 
[Arioste]  parmi  les  poetes  epiques  .  .  .  mais  en  le  relisant  je 
1'ai  trouve"  aussi  sublime  que  plaisant,  et  je  lui  fais  tres  humble- 
ment  reparation."  8 

It  is  natural,  that  in  order  to  emphasize  the  lack  of  an  epic 
in  France,  Voltaire  should  have  turned  from  Italian  to  Spanish, 
the  other  modern  literature  best  known  in  France.  The  Araucana 
seems,  it  is  true,  to  have  been  little  read  beyond  the  peninsula7 
but  Cervantes'  flattering  allusion  in  Don  Quixote,8  with  which 
Voltaire  was  evidently  familiar,  would  be  sufficient  to  bring  the 
poem  to  his  notice.  As  for  Camoens,  it  was  probably  in  England 
and  from  an  English  translation  that  Voltaire  acquired  the  greater 

1  Bouvy,  pp.  37  ff.,  45.     Cf.  also  Farinelli,  Dante  e  la  Francia,  II,  pp.  158  ff. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  40. 

» Ibid.,  pp.  100,  101. 
«  Cf.  pp.  156-157,  post. 
8  Oeuvres,  XLI,  p.  153. 
•Ibid.,  XVIII,  p.  579. 

7  Cf.  p.  126,  note  2,  post. 

8  Cf.  p.  129,  note  5,  post. 


THE  SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  ESSAY  51 

part  of  what  he  knew  about  the  Portuguese  poem.1  The  Lusiads 
served  his  purpose  well,  showing  that  a  literature  no  more  abundant 
than  the  Portuguese  boasted  an  epic  poem. 

The  choice  of  Milton  needs  no  explanation.  The  English  were 
beginning  to  appreciate  Paradise  Lost  and  Voltaire,  particularly 
desirous  as  he  was  of  their  good  will,  would  have  been  the  first 
to  realize  that  it  would  flatter  them  to  have  a  Frenchman  laud 
Milton,  and  call  attention  to  the  lack  of  a  successful  modern  epic 
in  a  literature  so  highly  esteemed  in  England  as  was  the  French. 
This  very  insistence  upon  England's  previous  superiority  in  that 
respect  would  serve  to  advertise  the  Henriade. 


A  question  which  naturally  arises  at  the  outset  is  that  of  Vol 
taire's  knowledge  of  the  six  languages  involved  in  the  works  of 
these  poets  and  of  the  poems  he  chose  for  discussion. 

Pierron  in  his  study  of  Voltaire  et  ses  Maitres  shows  that  in 
the  college  Louis  le  Grand,  young  Arouet  received  of  necessity 
quite  inadequate  instruction  in  Greek,  nor  is  there  any  reason 
for  supposing  that  as  he  grew  older  he  supplemented  it  to  any 
extent.2  In  1717,  in  the  first  days  of  his  imprisonment  in  the 
Bastille,  Voltaire,  still  Frangois-Marie  Arouet,  signed  a  receipt  for 
certain  articles  which  had  been  sent  him  in  prison.  Along  with 
India  handkerchiefs,  a  small  bottle  of  essence  of  cloves  and  the 
like,  are  mentioned  two  volumes  of  a  Greek-Latin  edition  of 
Homer.3  Further  evidence  of  his  habit  of  using  translations,  as 
well  as  of  his  boasted  dependence  upon  Homer  and  Virgil,  is 
found  in  a  letter  of  1722:  "  Et  vous,  mon  cher  Thieriot  .  .  . 
Je  vous  demande  instamment  un  Virgile  et  un  Homere  (non  pas 
celui  de  La  Motte).  .  .  .  J'en  ai  un  besoin  pressant.  Envoyez- 
le-moi  plutot  aujourd'hui  que  demain.  Ces  deux  auteurs  sont 
mes  deux  domestiques,  sans  lesquels  je  ne  devrais  point  voyager."  4 
The  mere  fact  that  Voltaire  feels  that  his  intimate  friend  may 
send  him  the  French  translation  of  Homer  seems  to  indicate  that 
it  was  not  his  custom  to  use  the  Greek  text.  Furthermore,  it  is 
perfectly  clear  that  when  he  wrote  the  chapter  on  Homer  in  the 

1  Cf.  Ballantyne,  p.  121. 

1  Pierron,  pp.  39,  212  ff. 

3  Parton,  I,  p.  107,  quoted  from  Histoire  de  la  Detention  des  Philosophes. 

*  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  p.  64. 


52  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

English  essay,  he  had  before  him  Pope's  rendering  of  the  Iliad1 
which,  be  it  said,  he  praised  extravagantly. 

Pierron  has  further  shown  that  Voltaire's  early  training  in 
Latin  was  very  thorough  and  that,  although  the  numerous  attempts 
at  Latin  composition  and  the  quotations  of  his  later  years  are  full 
of  inaccuracies,  he  preserved  a  lifelong  familiarity  with  the  best 
Roman  writers  as  well  as  a  great  admiration  for  them.2  The 
Henriade  itself,  in  its  likeness  to  the  Aeneid,  bears  witness  to  the 
French  poet's  intimate  acquaintance  with  Virgil.3 

Although  there  was  no  thought  of  any  courses  in  modern  lan 
guages  in  the  Jesuit  schools  of  the  early  eighteenth  century,4 
knowledge  of  Italian  had  long  been  considered  a  desirable  ac 
complishment  in  France.  Throughout  his  life  Voltaire  evinced 
an  especial  interest  in  Italy.  In  1740  he  undertook  a  systematic 
study  of  Italian.5  Among  his  letters  are  many  written  in  Italian 
to  individuals  and  to  academies  of  which  he  was  a  member. 
Bouvy  feels  no  doubt  that  Voltaire  was  able,  as  a  young  man,  to 
read  Italian  authors  in  the  original,  although  he  did  not  acquire 
a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  language  early  in  life. 6  The  Henriade 
shows  a  familiarity  with  the  Gerusalemme  Liberata  which  could 
scarcely  have  been  obtained  from  a  translation.  Moreover, 
although  Tasso's  poem  had  been  translated  into  French,  Tris- 
sino's  had  not.7 

Spanish,  as  well  as  Italian,  was  quite  generally  studied  in 
France  at  the  period  with  which  we  are  dealing.  Interest  in 
Spanish  literature,  very  considerable  in  the  seventeenth  century, 
was  still  lively  in  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth.8  Voltaire's 
attention  could  hardly  have  failed  to  turn  more  or  less  toward 
Spain  in  the  years  preceding  his  visit  to  England.  In  his  letters 
and  in  his  works  later  in  life  he  not  infrequently  mentions  the 
Spanish  language,  although  he  is  less  concerned  with  Spanish 
than  with  Italian  and  seems  never  to  have  attempted  either  to 
write  or  speak  it.  In  his  commentaries  on  Corneille's  works,  he 
mentions  Spanish  sources  with  apparent  familiarity.9  Toward  the 

1  Cf.  p.  127,  note  5,  post. 

2  Pierron,  p.  6,  pp.  36  ff.,  157  ff. 

3  Cf.  p.  49,  note  2,  ante. 

4  Pierron,  p.  39. 

6  Bouvy,  pp.  4-5. 

6  Ibid.,  pp.  5-6,  175. 

7  Ibid.,  p.  175  and  note. 

8  Claretie,  Le  Sage,  pp.  148  ff. 
» Oeuvres,  XXXI,  pp.  171  ff. 


THE  SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  ESSAY  53 

end  of  his  life,  he  played  an  active  part  in  the  discussion  with 
regard  to  Gil  Bias,  maintaining  that  Le  Sage  had  merely  trans 
lated  a  Spanish  original.1  There  is  nothing,  however,  in  either 
case  to  show  that  Voltaire  had  any  accurate  knowledge  of  Span 
ish.2 

In  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  he  quotes  in  addition  to  Ercilla, 
two  other  Spanish  authors,  Cervantes  and  Antonio  de  Solis.3 
Don  Quixote  had  been  translated  into  French.  Antonio  de  Solis' 
History  of  Mexico  apparently  had  not.  Nor  had  the  Araucana. 
Although  the  passages  of  this  poem  which  he  pretends  to  trans 
late  are  far  from  accurate  renderings  of  the  original,  they  are 
not  such  as  to  prevent  us  from  supposing  the  Voltaire  had  at 
the  time  a  passable  reading  knowledge  of  Spanish. 

It  will  be  remembered  that,  in  the  French  version  of  the  essay, 
the  whole  chapter  concerning  Ercilla  was  taken  bodily  from  Des- 
fontaines'  translation.4  These  facts,  in  conjunction  with  the  lack 
of  subsequent  comment  on  the  Araucana,  seem  to  indicate  less 
active  interest  in  the  poem  and  therefore,  very  likely,  less  famili 
arity  with  it  than  with  any  other  treated  in  the  essay,  with  the 
probable  exception  of  the  Lusiads. 

There  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  Voltaire  had  any  acquaint 
ance  with  Portuguese  or  that  he  was  interested  in  that  language. 
It  is  clear  that  in  writing  the  essay,  he  used  the  English  trans 
lation  of  the  Lusiads.5  He  makes  no  pretence  to  familiarity  with 
the  original,  for  he  speaks  of  the  style  as  very  pleasing,  "if  we 
believe  the  Portuguese."  6 

Voltaire's  knowledge  of  English  has  already  been  discussed. 


We  come  now  to  the  substance  of  the  Essay.  Before  taking 
up  the  individual  poems,  Voltaire  makes  a  number  of  general 
remarks  in  the  introduction  of  the  essay.  He  begins  by  saying 
that  critics  often  serve  only  to  complicate  matters  and  that  rules 
and  definitions  are  useless  in  poetry  since  the  country  and  the 

1  Claretie,  pp.  203  ff. 

2  Cf .  Morel-Fatio,   Etudes   sur  I'Espagne,  pp.  67  ff.     Cf.  also    O.  Collman, 
Gil  Bias,  Arch,  fur  das  Studium  der  Neueren  Sprachen    und   L/iteraturen,  1870, 
p.  223. 

3  Voltaire's  judgment   of  Antonio   de  Solis,  whom  he  calls  "  the  best  Writer 
among  the  Spaniards  "  (p.  86,  post),  is  an  extraordinary  one. 

4  Cf.  p.  46,  note  1,  ante. 
BCf.  p.  112,  note  1,  post. 
8  Cf.  p.  109,  post. 


54  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

epoch  in  which  a  poem  was  written  must  always  be  taken  into 
consideration.  There  follows  a  recognition,  in  itself  unusual  in 
a  French  classicist,  of  the  distinct  and  legitimate  differences  in 
the  literary  tastes  of  different  nations,  with  the  logical  conclusion 
that  in  order  to  have  a  complete  knowledge  of  a  literary  type 
such  as  epic  poetry  we  must  know  something  of  poets  of  different 
countries  and  of  different  ages.  Our  respect  for  the  ancients  must 
not  lead  us  to  a  servile  imitation,  since  our  environment  is  entirely 
unlike  theirs,  nor  to  a  scorn  of  modern  writers. 

The  tone  of  this  introduction  is  distinctly  liberal.  It  indicates 
an  independence  of  opinion  which  is  remarkable  in  a  person  of 
Voltaire's  training,  at  heart  so  thorough  a  believer  in  classic  rules 
and  definitions1  and  so  convinced  of  the  superiority  of  French 
literature  over  all  others.2  One  is  led  to  expect  freedom  from 
rules,  tradition  and  prejudice  in  the  criticism  which  follows.  In 
many  respects  the  essay  does  not  fulfil  these  expectations  nor  are 
the  ideas  expressed  here  in  accordance  with  what  we  know  of  Vol 
taire's  customary  theory  and  practice.  His  expression  of  such 
opinions  at  this  particular  time  may  be  due  not  only  to  the  stim 
ulating  liberalism  of  his  environment  but  also  to  his  desire  to 
win  public  attention  and  a  tolerant  reception  of  his  own  poem;3 
and  even  in  part  to  a  real  horror  of  all  sorts  of  oppression,  result 
ing  from  his  recent  experiences  in  his  own  country. 

The  chapter  on  Homer  opens  with  two  passages  highly  compli 
mentary  to  the  English,  the  first  concerning  the  classic  culture  of 
the  English  gentlemen,  the  second  concerning  Pope's  translation 
of  the  Iliad.  A  sentence  which  occurs  at  this  point:  "  I  will 
neither  point  out  his  [Homer's]  Beauties  .  .  .  nor  cavil  at 
his  Faults,"  is  of  particular  interest  since  it  is,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
a  neat  characterization  of  the  very  method  -of  criticism  followed  in 
the  entire  essay,  the  mention  of  now  a  beauty,  now  a  fault,  with 
little  clear  presentation  of  the  material  to  be  judged  and  few 
convincing  statements  of  opinion  in  regard  to  it.  Although  there 
is  a  certain  unity  in  this  chapter  in  that  the  general  tone  is 
extremely  unfavorable  to  Homer,  the  criticism  consists  largely 

1  Cf .  Faguet,   Voltaire,   p.   145:    "  C'est  un    continuateur    de  Boileau,  plus 
severe  et  meme  plus  6troit  que  Boileau  lui-meme." 

2  Cf.  Lanson,  Voltaire,  p.  87. 

3  Cf.  Mercure  de  France,  June,  1728,  p.  1419:   "  On  y  apprend  [in  the  French 
translation  of  the  Essay]  a  m6priser  les  Regies  vagues,  incertaines  et  arbitraires 
de  I'Epope'e  qui  font   dire  aujourd'hui  a  tant  de  personnes    que  la  Henriade  n' 
est  point  un  Poe'me  Epique." 


THE  SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  ESSAY  55 

in  an  enumeration  of  faults  with  an  occasional  and  always  casual 
reference  to  beauties.  The  question  of  the  language  of  the  poet 
and  that  of  his  style  are  practically  ignored.  The  only  definite 
impression  received  is  that  Voltaire  himself  did  not  at  that  time 
enjoy  Homer.  Among  both  ancient  and  modern  writers  he  always 
found  it  easiest  to  admire  those  who  were  most  regular  and 
elegant.  Furthermore  his  attitude  in  this  chapter  bears  out  the 
supposition  that  he  had  no  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  Greek 
language.  Then,  too,  Voltaire  cannot  have  been  uninfluenced  by 
the  reaction  against  Homer  in  France  in  the  early  eighteenth 
century1  nor  by  the  consideration  that  England's  appreciation  of 
the  Greek  poet  made  him  a  possible  rival  in  England. 

The  section  on  Virgil  is  for  the  most  part  a  defence  of  the  poet 
against  critics  rather  than  a  criticism.  As  the  chapter  on  Homer 
opened  with  high  praise  of  Pope,  so  the  first  sentence  here  is  a 
tribute  to  Addison's  study  of  Virgil.  And  indeed,  in  the  opening 
paragraphs  of  this  chapter  as  elsewhere  in  the  essay,  Voltaire 
follows  Addison's  arguments  closely,  without  any  acknowledgment 
of  his  indebtedness.2  He  departs  radically,  however,  from  Addi- 
son  as  well  as  from  Pope,  in  his  discussion  of  Virgil's  dependence 
upon  Homer  which,  in  his  effort  to  glorify  the  Latin  poet  at  the 
expense  of  the  Greek,  he  represents  as  quite  negligible.3  Such 
comparison  of  Homer  and  Virgil  as  occurs  is  greatly  to  the  advan 
tage  of  Virgil. 

Voltaire's  extreme  partiality  for  Virgil  is  everywhere  evident. 
Indeed  the  works  of  Virgil  are  characterized  as  "  the  Delight  of 
all  Ages,  and  the  Pattern  of  all  Poets."4  The  writer's  attitude 
toward  Virgil  is  entirely  consistent  with  what  we  know  of  his  pre 
ference  for  the  regular  and  polished  in  literature  and  of  his  in 
debtedness  to  the  Aeneid. 

The  short  chapter  on  Lucan  is  logical,  clear  and  fairly  com 
prehensive.  It  contains  a  certain  amount  of  information  regarding 
the  poet  and  his  work  and  reasonably  satisfactory  judgments, 
although  in  each  case  there  is  something  of  the  balancing  between 
beauty  and  fault,  as  for  instance  in  the  sentence:  "  Lucan,  with 
all  the  force  of  his  Painting,  with  his  Grandeur,  with  his  Wit, 
with  his  political  Notions  is  but  a  declamatory  Gazeteer,  sublime 

1  Rigault,  pp.  426  ff. 

2  Cf.  p.  93,  note  3,  post. 
8  Cf.  p.  62,  note  3,  post. 
4  P.  97,  post. 


56  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

here  and  there,  faulty  through  all  the  Work."1  Striking  emphasis 
is  laid  upon  Lucan's  choice  of  a  modern  subject  and  his  wisdom 
in  laying  aside  the  gods  of  antiquity, — points  of  resemblance 
between  the  Pharsalia  and  the  Henriade.  Voltaire  turns  the 
weakness  as  well  as  the  excellencies  of  the  Latin  poet  to  his  own 
advantage.  Lucan's  faults  merely  show  how  great  are  the  diffi 
culties  attendant  upon  the  use  in  poetry  of  imposing  and  well- 
known  historical  facts,  while  the  passage  in  his  poem  described 
with  exaggerated  enthusiasm  as  perhaps  the  best  "  of  all  the 
Poets  "  2  is  made  to  show  that  the  intervention  of  the  gods  is 
not  necessary  in  an  epic.  This  is  all  indirect  praise  for  the 
Henriade.  The  chapter  closes  with  a  compliment  to  Addison, 
who  is  classed  with  Corneille  as  a  man  in  every  way  superior 
to  Lucan.  Indeed,  Addison  did  Lucan  the  greatest  honor  in 
borrowing  for  his  Cato  "  some  Strokes  "  from  the  Pharsalia.3  ^ 

The  discussion  of  Trissino  is  made  the  occasion  of  several  digres 
sions.  The  first  concerns  the  origin  of  the  Romance  languages. 
Their  real  formation  is  considered  to  date  from  the  fifteenth 
century,  with  an  entire  scorn  of  the  greater  part  of  the  middle 
ages  quite  characteristic  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  cen 
turies  in  France.  There  follow  further  remarks  on  the  modern 
languages  and  the  opportunity  they  offer  for  an  original  imitation 
of  the  ancients.  This  idea,  already  touched  upon  in  the  intro 
duction,  has  a  direct  bearing  on  the  Henriade,  which  follows  in 
its  general  outlines  the  epics  of  antiquity  but  departs  from  them 
in  its  subject-matter  and  in  not  introducing  the  gods  of  classic 
mythology. 

It  is  at  this  point  that  Voltaire  begins  the  unfavorable  obser 
vations  on  Italian  taste  which  recur  persistently  in  the  course 
of  the  essay.4  One  of  his  Italian  critics  observes  acutely  that 
the  Frenchman  would  have  been  more  cautious  in  his  remarks 
concerning  the  Italians  if  he  had  been  "  about  a  Subscription  in 
Italy  "  at  the  time  of  writing  his  essay.5 

This  brief  account  of  Trissino  gives  little  information  concern 
ing  the  Italia  Liberata  dai  Goti.  It  is  chiefly  interesting  as  the 
occasion  for  digressions  characteristic  of  Voltaire  and  of  his  time. 

1  P.  101,  post. 

2  Ibid. 

3  P.  102,  post. 

4  Baretti    (Dissertation,   pp.  12-17)  explains  Voltaire's  prejudice  as   due  in 
part  to  the  influence  of  Boileau  and  Bouhours. 

6  Cf.  Rolli,  Remarks,  p.  119. 


THE  SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  ESSAY  57 

The  chapter  on  Camoens  is  a  somewhat  remarkable  example  of 
the  writer's  disregard  for  accuracy.  It  is  evident  that  Voltaire 
was  very  ill-informed  regarding  Camoens  and  the  Lusiads.  Some 
years  later  he  himself  corrected,  without  remark  or  apology,  some 
of  the  errors  contained  in  the  biographical  account  of  the  Portu 
guese  poet.1  In  the  sdmewhat  fragmentary  comments  on  the 
poem,  there  is  a  certain  amount  of  well-worded  praise  more  than 
overbalanced  by  blame.  "  His  Poem  in  my  Opinion,"  we  read  at 
one  point,  "  is  full  of  numberless  Faults  and  Beauties,  thick  sown 
near  one  another ;  and  almost  at  every  Page,  there  is  what  to  laugh 
at  and  what  to  be  delighted  with."  2 

The  parallel  at  the  end  between  certain  lines  of  Camoens  and 
verses  of  Waller  and  of  Denham,  based,  as  it  chanced,  upon  an 
interpolated  passage,3  is  far-fetched  and  an  obvious  attempt  to 
cater  to  the  English  public. 

Voltaire's  criticism  of  Tasso  is  more  careful  and  comprehensive 
than  that  accorded  any  other  poet  except  Milton,  a  fact  to  be 
explained  no  doubt  by  the  writer's  intimate  knowledge  of  the 
Gerusalemme  and  by  the  similarity  between  it  and  the  Henriade. 
His  judgment  of  the  author  of  the  Gerusalemme  Liberata  contra 
dicts  in  some  measure  his  unfavorable  observations  on  the  Italian 
taste.  "  No  Man  in  the  World,"  we  read,  "  was  ever  born  with 
a  greater  Genius,  and  more  qualify'd  for  Epick  Poetry."4  Compare 
with  this  Voltaire's  opinion  of  Virgil,  his  other  master,  as  "  the 
Pattern  of  all  Poets."  5  Again  we  are  told  that  Tasso's  "  Excel 
lencies  challenge  the  unanimous  Admiration  of  Europe."  6 

Filled  with  his  subject,  the  author  considers  in  a  logical  order, 
the  theme  of  the  poem,  the  heroes  and  the  parts  they  play,  the 
drawing  of  their  characters,  the  progress  of  the  action,  the  inter 
weaving  of  the  different  adventures,  and  the  style.  This  dis 
cussion  includes  a  comparison  of  the  characters  of  the  Gerusalemme 
Liberata  with  those  of  the  Iliad,  greatly  to  the  advantage  of  the 
Italian  poem. 

All  the  adverse  criticism  finds  its  place  at  the  end  of  the  chapter 
and  has  to  do  with  the  excesses  which  Tasso  allowed  himself  in 
certain  episodes  of  his  poem.  The  episodes  in  question  are  related 

1  Cf.  pp.  154-155,  post. 

2  P.  Ill,  post. 

3  Cf.   p.  112,  note  1,  post. 

4  P.  113,  post. 
8  P.  97,  post. 
•P.  116,  post. 


58  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

by  Voltaire  in  a  half-mocking  tone  which  tends  at  once  to  preju 
dice  the  reader.1-  Thus  these  last  pages  are  in  harmony  with  the 
writer's  judgment  of  Ariosto  at  the  time  as  well  as  with  his  derog 
atory  remarks  concerning  Italian  taste. 

Nearly  half  the  article  on  Ercilla  is  given  over  to  the  com 
parison  of  a  part  of  the  Spanish  poem  describing  a  quarrel  among 
the  Araucani  as  to  the  choice  of  a  chief,  with  a  passage  from  the 
Iliad  somewhat  similar  in  its  subject-matter.  Voltaire  naturally 
concludes  that  Ercilla's  description  is  infinitely  superior  to  Homer's. 
To  this  end  he  gives  a  detailed  and  carefully  worded,  although 
far  from  faithful,  rendering  of  the  stanzas  from  Ercilla  and  a  very 
summary  one  of  the  passage  in  Homer.2  He  concludes  with  the 
enumeration  of  various  defects  of  the  Spanish  poet,  as  if  to  counter 
balance  the  high  praise  given  the  detached  passage.  "  It  is  won 
derful,"  we  are  told,  "  how  he  falls  so  low  from  so  high  a  Flight."  3 
The  criticism  here  impresses  one  as  fragmentary  and  shows  no 
real  familiarity  with  the  poem.  Moreover,  nothing  is  said  of  the 
Araucana  as  representative  of  Spanish  taste.  This  is  rather  sur 
prising  in  the  light  of  the  attention  the  author  has  given  to  dis 
tinctions  between  Italian  and  French  standards. 

The  early  part  of  the  chapter  on  Milton  contains  a  consider 
able  amount  of  dignified  if  sometimes  slightly  exaggerated  praise 
of  Paradise  Lost.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  praise  rings 
somewhat  louder  because  of  being  addressed  to  an  English  audi 
ence  by  a  writer  whose  chief  wish  was  to  win  favor.  Moreover, 
it  is  evident,  as  in  the  case  of  Virgil,  that  the  Frenchman  was 
fresh  from  the  reading  of  Addison  whom,  to  please  the  British 
public,  he  called  "  the  best  Critic  as  well  as  the  best  Writer  of 
his  Age  "  4  and  whose  favorable  judgment  of  Milton  he  voiced 
in  some  measure.5  On  the  other  hand  we  must  give  Voltaire 
credit  for  a  considerable  degree  of  sincerity.  He  shows  real  inde 
pendence,  both  in  criticizing  severely  one  or  two  passages  of 
Paradise  Lost  which  were  among  those  admired  most  by  the 
English6  and  in  passing  judgment  upon  the  English  stage. 

JCf.  p.  118,  note3,  post. 

2Cf.  Oeuvres,  VIII,  p.  351,  note  1. 

3  P.  129,  post. 

*  P.  134,  post. 

6  Pp.  133  ff.,  notes,  post. 

6Cf.  Mercure  de  France,  June,  1728,  p.  1419:  "Au  reste  les  loiianges  que 
M.  de  Voltaire  donne  au  Paradis  perdu  ne  peuvent  paroltre  supectes.  puisqu'il 
a  le  courage  de  le  censurer  dans  les  endroits  memes  que  les  Anglais  admirent 
e  plus." 


THE  SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  ESSAY  59 

From  his  high  praise  of  Milton  Voltaire  turns  at  once  to  the 
literary  taste  of  different  nations.  He  makes  what  is  apparently 
a  very  liberal  statement,  but  one  which  has  a  twofold  application 
to  his  own  enterprise.  By  no  means  should  one  nation  judge  its 
literature  by  the  standards  of  another  and  the  French  least  of 
all  have  a  right  to  set  up  laws  for  epic  poetry,  having  none  of 
their  own.  On  the  other  hand  each  country  should  pay  more 
attention  than  it  does  to  the  taste  and  manners  of  its  neighbors. 
Having  laid  down  this  principle,  Voltaire  proceeds  at  once  to 
put  it  into  practice.  He  feels  that  the  English  may  be  interested 
to  hear  to  what  points  in  the  Paradise  Lost  the  French  critics 
would  be  most  likely  to  object,  although  they  are  not,  of  course, 
to  submit  to  the  opinion  of  the  French.1  He  places  upon  French 
critics  the  responsibility  for  his  comments  on  the  poem,  unfavor 
able  for  the  most  part  from  this  point  on.  This  comparison  of 
French  and  English  ideas  concerning  epic  poetry  was  calculated 
to  arouse  interest  in  a  French  epic.  To  be  sure  Voltaire  does  not 
succeed  in  preserving  a  consistently  impersonal  tone  in  his  report 
of  the  opinion  of  the  French.  More  than  once  the  criticism  is 
very  evidently  his  own.  Several  times,  too,  he  defends  the  Eng 
lish  poet  against  objections  he  feels  sure  would  be  made  in  France. 

The  last  pages  of  the  essay  contain  no  summary,  nor  are  there 
any  conclusions  such  as  might  be  expected  to  follow  the  exami 
nation  of  poems  representing  five  different  nations,  especially  in 
the  light  of  the  questions  suggested  in  the  introduction  and  bear 
ing  upon  comparative  literature.  The  author  dwells  chiefly  upon 
the  dearth  of  epic  poetry  in  France  and  the  possible  reasons  for 
that  state  of  affairs.  His  explanations  include  a  number  of  bold 
remarks  concerning  the  effect  upon  the  French  language  of  the 
lack  of  liberty  in  the  country,  the  insupportable  and  insignificant 
rules  to  which  French  poets  submit  and  the  impoverishing  of  the 
language  by  the  discarding  of  many  old  and  energetic  expressions, 
"  as  the  compelling  our  Protestants  away  hath  thinned  the  Na 
tion."  2  In  this  arraignment  of  things  French,  England  is  in 
nearly  every  case  held  up  as  a  shining  contrast.  Other  explana- 

1  Cf .  Journal  des  Sgavans,   September,   1728:    "  M.  de    Voltaire    qui,  pour 
faire  plaisir  a  la  Nation  Anglaise,  prend  sur  lui-meme  les  eloges  qu'il  donne  a 
Milton,  met  dans  la  bouche  des  critiques    frangais  toutes  les  objections  qu'il 
croit  qu'on  pourroit  faire  centre  le  Paradis  perdu:  il  a    cru  apparemment  se 
concilier  par  ce  moyen  les  Anglais,  &  conserver  chez  les  autres  Nations  la  qualit<§ 
de  critique  exact. 

2  Pp.  1  44  ff.,  post. 


60  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

tions  offered  are  still  more  directly  arranged  in  the  interest  of 
the  Henriade.  The  concluding  sentences  are,  as  the  author  him 
self  acknowledges,  naive  and  ingenious.  "An  Epick  Poem  is  a 
harder  Task  in  France,  than  in  any  other  Country  whatever. 
.  .  The  best  Reason  I  can  offer  for  our  ill  Success  in  Epick 
Poetry,  is  the  insufficiency  of  all  who  have  attempted  it."  1 

It  is  clear  that,  as  he  wrote,  Voltaire  was  never  sufficiently 
carried  away  by  his  subject-matter  to  lose  sight  of  his  original 
purpose.  He  is  everywhere  the  author  of  the  Henriade,  in  his 
numerous  efforts  to  conciliate  the  English  and  to  arouse  their 
interest,  in  the  emphasis  laid  upon  the  poems  and  passages  having 
certain  points  in  common  with  his  own  epic.  His  habit  of  miti 
gating  praise  with  much  blame  and  thus  belittling  the  value  of 
existing  epic  poems,  suggests  a  desire,  conscious  or  unconscious, 
to  glorify  his  own.  It  is  consistent  with  this  theory  that  Virgil 
and  Tasso,  his  models,  have  escaped  with  relatively  little  adverse 
criticism,  while  Milton  fared  well  as  an  Englishman.  It  is  even 
possible  to  connect  with  this  tendency,  Voltaire's  persistently 
unfavorable  attitude  toward  Homer,  due  largely,  to  be  sure,  so 
far  as  the  Iliad  in  the  original  is  concerned,  to  his  natural  dislike 
of  what  seemed  to  him  the  unpolished  in  literature,  however 
great,  and  to  his  inadequate  knowledge  of  Greek,  but  also,  it  may 
be,  to  the  fact  that  Pope's  Iliad  was  of  sufficiently  recent  publi 
cation  to  make  it  a  rival  of  the  Henriade.  This  is  not  incon 
sistent  with  Voltaire's  high  praise  of  Pope's  rendering,  which  he 
sincerely  admired  and  which,  moreover,  could  not  safely  be  depre 
ciated  in  England. 

It  is  perhaps  this  persistent  fault-finding,  the  basis  of  which 
is  seldom  made  clear  to  the  reader  and  which  leads  to  no  definite 
or  illuminating  conclusions,  combined  with  the  extremely  frag 
mentary  character  of  certain  chapters,  that  makes  the  essay  as 
a  whole  an  unsatisfactory  piece  of  criticism  despite  its  genuine 
interest. 


Quite  aside  from  the  ever  present  influence  of  the  Henriade 
and  the  evidence  of  Voltaire's  greater  or  less  degree  of  familiarity 
with  the  poems  in  question,  the  reader  is  impressed  by  numerous 
passages  which  give  this  essay  a  significant  place  in  the  history 

1  Pp.  149,  150,  post. 


THE  SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  ESSAY  61 

of  the  author's  ideas  and  of  certain  tendencies  in  eighteenth  cen 
tury  literature. 

A  considerable  number  of  these  passages  throw  light  upon 
Voltaire's  attitude  in  1727  toward  the  famous  quarrel  of  the 
ancients  and  moderns.  In  regard  to  the  general  questions  of 
relative  merit  and  of  imitation,  his  position  is  a  somewhat  inter 
mediate  one.  In  the  course  of  the  essay  he  shows  what  he  him 
self  calls  a  just  respect  for  the  writers  of  antiquity  and  definitely 
recommends  the  imitation  of  their  works.  He  deplores,  however, 
a  slavish  imitation  and  speaks  more  than  once  of  the  opportunities 
for  independence  open  to  modern  writers.  For  instance:  "  We 
should  be  their  Admirers  [those  of  the  ancients],  not  their  Slaves."  l 
"  Our  just  Respect  for  the  Ancients,  proves  a  meer  Superstition, 
if  it  betrays  us  into  a  rash  Contempt  of  our  Neighbors  and  Coun 
trymen.  We  ought  not  to  do  such  Injury  to  Nature,  as  to  shut 
our  Eyes  to  all  the  Beauties  that  her  Hands  pour  around  us,  in 
order  to  look  back  fixedly  on  her  former  Productions."2  Voltaire 
condemns  "  the  Weakness  of  Men,  who  mistake  commonly  the 
Beginning  of  an  Art,  for  the  Principles  of  the  Art  itself."  3  "  The 
best  modern  Writers  have  mix'd  the  Taste  of  their  Country, 
with  that  of  the  Ancients."  4  "  He  who  writes  in  a  modern 
Language,  hath  the  Ancients  for  his  Guides,  not  for  his  Rivals."  5 

This  attitude,  maintained  with  a  fair  degree  of  consistency  in 
the  French  essay  and  in  Voltaire's  later  writings,  is  what  one 
might  expect  from  the  author  of  the  Henriade,  a  poem  belonging 
to  a  type  which  had  been  most  flourishing  in  ancient  times,  a 
poem  which  followed  tradition  in  its  general  lines  but  was,  how 
ever,  distinctly  modern  in  the  choice  of  subject  and  in  the  rejec 
tion  of  the  Greek  and  Roman  gods. 

To  turn  from  the  general  question  to  phases  of  it  peculiar  to 
the  eighteenth  century  in  France,  the  original  point  at  issue  as 
to  whether  it  was  possible  for  modern  authors  to  equal  or  to  sur 
pass  the  Greek  and  Latin,  was  now  somewhat  complicated  by  the 
fact  that  the  French  writers  of  the  preceding  century,  the  "  mod 
erns  "  of  Perrault's  time,  themselves  imitators  of  antiquity,  had 
come  to  be  counted  more  or  less  among  the  "  ancients."  Again, 

1  P.  86,  post. 

2  P.  87,  post. 

3  P.  81,  post. 

4  P.  84,  post. 

6  P.  103,  post. 


62  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

in  so  far  as  it  dealt  with  purely  ancient  literature,  the  question 
was  for  the  most  part  narrowed  down  in  the  early  years  of  the 
eighteenth  century  in  France  to  a  dispute  regarding  the  merits 
of  Homer.1  In  connection  with  each  of  these  two  aspects  of  the 
question,  the  English  essay,  as  distinguished  from  the  French,  has 
something  to  offer.  A  sentence  occurring  in  the  chapter  on  Tasso 
which  does  not  appear  in  the  French  version,  is  an  early  expres 
sion  of  Voltaire's  well-known  belief  in  the  superiority  of  the  seven 
teenth  century  writers  over  those  of  his  own  time.  "  Thus  in 
France,"  he  writes,  "Corneille,  Racine,  Boylau  [sic],  la  Fontaine, 
Moliere  will  claim  forever  the  publick  Admiration,  in  Defiance  to 
a  succeeding  Set  of  Writers,  who  have  introduced  a  new  fangl'd 
Stile,  kept  up  and  cherish'd  among  themselves  but  despis'd  by 
the  Nation."  2  Here,  in  a  sense,  Voltaire  is  on  the  side  of  the 
ancients. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  entire  essay  is  so  anti-Homeric  that  it 
gives  its  author  at  that  early  period  a  definite  place  among  the 
enemies  of  the  Greek  poet.3  This  fact  has  been  overlooked  by 
the  best  known  historian  of  the  quarrel  concerning  the  ancients 
and  moderns,  Hippolyte  Rigault.  Although,  in  his  Histoire  de 
la  querelle  des  anciens  et  des  modernes,  this  writer  studies  fully 
the  question  of  Voltaire's  attitude  toward  Homer  and  evidently 
uses  passages  from  the  French  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry,*  he  entirely 
ignores  the  important  testimony  of  the  English  version.  It  is 
probable  that,  writing  in  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
he  had  never  seen  the  English  essay.  Even  if  he  was  aware  of 
its  existence,  he  must  have  assumed  the  opinions  expressed  there 
to  be  practically  the  same  as  those  found  in  the  French,  which 
was,  as  will  be  shown  later,5  especially  far  from  being  the  case 
in  the  chapter  on  Homer.  "  Dans  sa  jeunesse,"  Rigault  writes, 
contrasting  Voltaire's  later  unfavorable  opinion  of  Homer,  "  il 

1  Rigault,  pp.  353  ff.    "  Guerre  centre  Homere,"  etc. 

2  P.  114,  post.     Cf.  p.  71,  post. 

3  Public   opinion  in  France  in   the   early  eighteenth  century  was  coming  to 
be   decidedly   unfavorable  to   Homer.     Cf.   p.  55,  note    1,   ante.     It   is   inter 
esting  to  note  in  this  connection  that  the  Jesuits  of  the  eighteenth  century 
were  on  the  side  of  the  moderns,  as  opposed  to  Homer,  and  in  particular  that 
Pere  Por6e,  one  of  Voltaire's  teachers  with  whom    he  was  closely  associated, 
was  a  warm  admirer  of  La  Motte's  modernized  Iliad.     Cf.  Rigault.,  pp.  394,  427. 
Voltaire's  chapter  on  Virgil  in  our  essay  also  shows  him  to  have  been  a  lively 
participant  in  that  phase  of  the  opposition  to  Homer  which  Rigault  calls  "  Cette 
interminable  guerre,  faite  a  Homere  sous  les  drapeaux  de  Virgile."    Ibid.,  p.  354. 

4  Pp.  474,  475. 

5  Cf .  pp.  66  ff .,  post;  pp.  89  ff.  and  notes,  post. 


THE  SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  ESSAY  63 

admirait  Homere  et  1'appelait  '  un  peintre  sublime;'  il  plaignait 
les  esprits  philosophiques  qui  ne  peuvent  pardonner  ses  fautes  en 
faveur  de  ses  beaute"s  '  plus  grandes  que  ses  fautes.'  II  prenait 
la  defense  de  ses  dieux  et  de  ses  he*ros,  parceque  c'etaient  les 
heros  et  les  dieux  de  son  temps."  1  All  this  comes  evidently 
from  the  French  version  of  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  Voltaire,  hostile  to  Homer  in  1727,  an  attitude 
which  in  itself  gives  the  English  essay  a  tone  favorable  to  the 
moderns,  appeared  as  the  defender  of  the  Greek  poet  at  the  time 
of  writing  the  French  version,  only  to  return  before  long  to  the 
hostility  of  his  early  years,  a  position  which  he  maintained  during 
the  remainder  of  his  life.2 

This  change  of  opinion  together  with  possible  reasons  for  it 
is  a  subject  which  we  shall  consider  later  in  our  comparison  of 
the  French  and  English  essays.  Suffice  it  to  say  at  this  point 
that  as  regards  the  original  question  of  the  ancients  and  moderns 
as  well  as  the  two  aspects  of  it  peculiar  to  the  eighteenth  century, 
the  English  essay  is  an  important  source  in  a  study  of  the  opinions 
of  Voltaire,  whom  Rigault  calls  "  1'ecrivain  .  .  .  dont  les 
arrets  [concerning  the  quarrel  of  the  ancients  and  moderns]  ont 
eu  le  plus  d'influence  sur  1'opinion  de  la  posterite."  3 


To  take  up  another  important  question  of  the  eighteenth  cen 
tury,  that  of  literary  cosmopolitanism  in  France,  the  Essay  on 
Epic  Poetry,  itself  a  contribution  to  comparative  literature,  shows 
that  Voltaire  was  a  forerunner  among  his  countrymen.  There  are 
numerous  passages  which  bear  upon  the  benefit  to  be  gained  from 
an  intelligent  knowledge  of  the  literatures  of  other  countries,  the 
relativity  of  taste  and  standards,  and  the  influence  of  environment 
which  makes  it  essential  to  consider  the  country  and  the  period 
to  which  the  piece  of  writing  belongs  before  appraising  it.  All 
these  were  distinctly  new  ideas  in  France  in  the  eighteenth  cen 
tury4  as  compared  with  the  dogmatism  and  the  absolutism  of 
the  classic  school  of  the  seventeenth  century.  Voltaire  had  laid 
stress  as  early  as  1722  upon  the  importance  of  judging  differently 
the  poetry  of  different  nations.5  In  the  essay  of  five  years  later 

1  P.  474. 

2  Cf.  pp.  161-162,  post. 
8  P.  471. 

4  Cf.  Foulet,  Corr.,  pp.  xv-xvi. 
B  Cf.  p.  7,  note  5,  ante. 


64  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

there  are  manifold  expressions  of  this  and  of  similar  ideas,  written 
doubtless  in  part  with  the  utilitarian  purpose  of  paving  the  way 
for  the  Henriade  but  in  part  also  expressing  opinions  entertained 
by  the  author  before  going  to  England.  Although  many  of  them 
are  theories  which  he  himself  did  not  put  into  practice,  the  mere 
voicing  of  such  theories  at  this  early  period  is  significant. 

European  travellers,  he  says,  are  inclined  to  bestow  large  praise 
on  distant  countries  but  to  be  satirical  concerning  those  near  at 
hand.  A  traveller  should  bring  into  his  own  country  the  arts 
of  other  nations.  As  it  is,  each  nation  shows  dislike  for  the 
taste  of  its  neighbors.  "  The  true  Love  of  our  Country  is  to  do 
good  to  it,  to  contribute  to  its  Liberty,  as  far  as  it  lies  in  our 
Power;  but  to  contend  only  for  the  Superiority  of  our  Authors, 
to  boast  of  having  among  us  better  Poets  than  our  Neighbors,  is 
rather  Self-love  than  Patriotism."  1  "  Would  each  Nation  attend 
a  little  more  than  they  do,  to  the  Taste  and  the  Manners  of  their 
respective  Neighbors,  perhaps  a  general  good  Taste  might  diffuse 
itself  through  all  Europe  from  such  Intercourse  of  Learning,  and 
from  the  useful  Exchange  of  Observations."  2  "  The  same  Fancy 
which  hath  invented  Poetry,  changes  every  Day  all  its  Produc 
tions,  because  it  is  liable  itself  to  eternal  Vicissitudes. 
Even  a  Nation  differs  from  itself,  in  less  than  a  Century.  There 
are  not  more  Revolutions  in  Governments  than  in  Arts.  They 
are  shifting,  and  gliding  away  from  our  Pursuit,  when  we  endeavor 
to  fix  them  by  our  Rules  and  Definitions."  3  "  Our  particular 
Customs  have  introduc'd  ...  a  new  Sort  of  Taste,  peculiar 
to  each  Nation."  4  The  reader's  "Judgement  will  be  right,  if  he 
attends  without  Partiality,  laying  aside  the  Prejudices  of  the 
School,  or  the  overbearing  Love  of  the  Productions  of  his  own 
Country."  5  "  Those  doubtful  Things  which  are  call'd  Blemishes 
by  one  Nation,  and  stil'd  Perfections  by  another." 6  "  We  do 
not  speak  the  same  Language.  Our  Religion  (the  great  Basis 
of  Epick  Poetry)  is  the  very  Reverse  of  their  Mythology:  our  Bat 
tles,  our  Sieges,  our  Fleets,  are  more  different  from  theirs,  than 
our  Manners  from  those  of  America.7  .  .  .  An  Epick  Poet, 

1  P.  129,  post. 

2  P.  135,  post. 

3  P.   82,  post.. 

4  P.   84,  post. 

5  P.   88,  post. 
*Ibid. 

7  Pp.  86-87,  post. 


THE  SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  ESSAY  65 

being  surrounded  with  so  many  Novelties,  must  have  but  a  small 
Share  of  Genius,  if  he  durst  not  be  new  himself."  l  "  He  [Lucan] 
is  to  be  commended  for  having  laid  the  Gods  aside,  as  much  as 
Homer  and  Virgil  for  having  made  use  of  that  Machinery.  Those 
Fables  were  adapted  to  the  dark  fabulous  Ages  in  which  Priam  and 
Lainust  liv'd,  but  in  no  Way  suitable  to  the  Wars  of  Rome."  2 
"If  the  Difference  of  Genius  between  Nation  and  Nation,  ever 
appear'd  in  its  full  Light,  'tis  in  Milton's  Paradise  lost."  3  "  I 
am  very  far  from  thinking  that  one  Nation  ought  to  judge  of  its 
Productions  by  the  Standard  of  another."  4  "  Besides,  the  Force 
of  that  Idiom  is  wonderfully  heighten'd,  by  the  Nature  of  the 
Government,  and  by  the  Liberty  of  Conscience."  5 

Finally  the  essay  has  a  distinct  place  in  the  history  of  the 
influence  of  England  in  France  in  the  eighteenth  century,  quite 
apart  from  the  fact  that  it  represents  Voltaire's  contact  with 
the  country  and,  being  written  in  English,  is  the  embodiment  of 
his  interest  in  the  language.  Three  important  phases  of  English 
influence  in  France  find  definite  expression  in  it.  Voltaire  urges 
his  countrymen  to  study  English  as  the  English  study  French,8 
he  suggests  that  French  writers  have  something  to  learn  from  the 
English,  and  he  draws  comparisons  between  the  lack  of  liberty 
in  France  and  the  liberty  prevailing  in  England.7  These  com 
parisons,  although  few  in  number,  are  fully  as  definitely  expressed 
as  any  contained  in  the  Lettres  philosophiques,  condemned  for  the 
same  offence  to  be  burned  by  the  public  executioner  in  Paris 
in  1734. 


So  much  for  the  English  essay.  What  now  are  the  differences 
between  it  and  the  French  version  of  1733  ? 

The  French  essay  is  considerably  longer  than  the  English.  The 
informal  divisions  of  the  earlier  work  appear  as  definite  chap 
ters.  In  general  the  tone  of  the  French  is  less  conversational 
and  the  whole  gives  the  impression  of  a  more  systematic  and 
carefully  prepared  piece  of  work,  as  Voltaire  intended  that  it 

1  P.  87,  post. 

2  P.  101,  post. 

3  P.  131,  post. 

4  P.  135,  post. 

6  Pp.  144-145,  post. 

6  P.  75,  post. 

7  Pp.  144  ff.,  post. 


66  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

should.1  In  one  of  the  letters  cited  earlier,  speaking  of  the 
changes  necessary  for  the  success  in  France  of  the  Essay  on  Epic 
Poetry,  Voltaire  had  written:  "  The  style  besides  is  after  the 
English  fashion;  so  many  similes,  so  many  things  which  appear 
but  easy  and  familiar  here,  would  seem  too  low  to  your  wits  of 
Paris."  2  In  accordance  with  this  opinion  the  writer  made  the 
language  of  the  French  version  more  formal  and  less  figurative. 
Such  comparisons  as  do  appear  are  usually  of  a  somewhat  con 
ventional  character.3 

Turning  from  form  to  subject-matter,  we  find  even  more  striking 
differences.  In  the  notes  accompanying  the  text  will  be  found  a 
somewhat  detailed,  chapter-by-chapter  comparison  of  the  two 
essays.  Here  we  shall  concern  ourselves  only  with  the  chief 
differences,  classified  according  to  the  possible  reasons  for  them. 
In  some  cases  it  would  seem  that  we  have  to  do  with  a  real  change 
of  opinion,  often  influenced  by  circumstances,  to  be  sure,  while 
in  many  others  we  see  efforts  to  interest  or  to  conciliate  the  French 
public  rather  than  the  English. 

The  most  conspicuous  example  of  a  fundamental  change  in 
attitude  is  the  1733  criticism  of  Homer.  Little  of  the  English 
chapter  remains.  Although  at  one  point  Voltaire  says  that  he 
still  considers  Homer  decidedly  inferior  to  Virgil,  he  now  enters 
upon  a  defence  of  the  Greek  poet.  His  criticism  has  become 
favorable  in  tone  and  shows  a  certain  spontaneous  appreciation 
and  enthusiasm  which  were  entirely  lacking  in  the  English.  Here 
the  writer  seems  to  have  laid  hold  of  a  new  conception  of  the 
power  of  real  genius:  "  Tel  est  le  privilege  du  ge"nie  d'invention: 
il  se  fait  une  route  ou  personne  n'a  marche  avant  lui;  il  court 
sans  guide,  sans  art,  sans  regie;  il  s'egare  dans  sa  carriere,  mais  il 
laisse  loin  derriere  lui  tout  ce  qui  n'est  que  raison  et  qu'exactitude. 
Tel  a  peu  pres  etait  Homere :  il  a  cre'e'  son  art,  et  1'a  laisse  impar- 
fait:  c'est  un  chaos  encore;  mais  la  lumiere  y  brille  deja  de  tous 
cotes."  4  Twelve  beautiful  lines  of  Homer,  he  goes  on  to  say, 
surpass  a  mediocre  although  perfectly  regular  piece  of  writing  as 
an  uncut  diamond  a  carefully  wrought  tin  trinket. 

The  beauty  of  the  Greek  language  and  Homer's  masterly  use 
of  it  had  been  entirely  passed  over  in  the  English  essay  but  are 

1  Cf.  p.  41,  ante. 

2  Foulet,  Com,  pp.  145-146. 

3  Cf .  Oeuvres,  VIII,  pp.  329,  359-360. 

4  Ibid.,  p.  318. 


THE  SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  ESSAY  67 

recognized  with  concrete  examples  in  the  French.  It  follows 
naturally  enough  that  the  author's  ideas  concerning  the  value  of 
translations  have  undergone  a  radical  change  since  the  days  of 
the  English  essay  when  he  had  spoken  of  Pope's  Iliad  as  a  version 
in  which  none  of  the  beauties  of  the  original  were  lost  and  most 
of  the  faults  lessened.  He  now  says:  "  Qu'on  ne  croie  point 
encore  connaitre  les  poetes  par  les  traductions;  ce  serait  vouloir 
apercevoir  le  coloris  d'un  tableau  dans  une  estampe.  Les  traduc 
tions  augmentent  les  fautes  d'un  ouvrage,  et  en  gatent  les 
beautes."  1  Such  contradictory  statements  cannot  be  explained 
wholly  by  the  writer's  early  desire  to  flatter  Pope. 

For  his  marked  change  of  opinion  in  regard  to  Homer,  Vol 
taire  himself  gives  an  explanation.  He  had  never  been  able,  he 
says,  to  reconcile  the  gross  defects  and  the  greater  beauties  of 
Homer's  work,  a  contrast  found  in  no  classic  or  French  writer, 
until  he  became  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  plays  of  Shakes 
peare.  He  found  these  plays  more  popular  than  any  others  in 
London  play-houses  and  yet  they  were  filled  with  absurdities, 
"des  monstres  en  tragedie."  2  When  he  came  to  a  more  thorough 
understanding  of  English,  he  realized  that  the  English  were  right 
and  that  the  marvelous  beauties  of  Shakespeare's  dramas  were 
the  more  remarkable  because  of  their  very  defects,  as  a  bright 
light  shines  brighter  in  a  dark  night.  In  addition  to  this  clearer 
recognition  of  the  superiority  of  true  genius  to  exactness  and 
regularity,  the  French  chapter,  in  its  sympathy  and  appreciation 
and  in  its  scorn  of  translations,  seems  to  show  greater  familiarity 
with  the  Iliad  in  the  original.  It  is  very  possible  that  the  second 
of  these  changes  like  the  first  was  the  direct  result  of  the  author's 
years  in  England  and  of  his  intimate  friendship  with  Pope  and 
other  English  classical  scholars.  It  is  also  to  be  remembered  that 
in  France,  where  Homer  was  in  quite  general  disfavor,  he  had 
no  reason  for  decrying  the  Greek  poet  as  a  possible  rival.  That 
his  favorable  attitude  toward  Homer  was  the  outcome  of  a  pass 
ing  influence  seems  probable  from  the  fact  that  in  after  years  he 
returned  to  his  former  dislike  of  the  Greek  poet.3 

The  liberal  spirit  which  pervades  this  chapter  is  seen  also  in 
the  belief  occasionally  expressed  that  great  writers  are  superior 

1  Oeuvres,  VIII,  p.  319. 
*Ibid.,  p.  317. 

3  Concerning  Voltaire's  later  opinion  of  the  poets  treated  in  his  French  and 
English  essays  cf.  pp.  161  ff.,  post. 


68  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

to  rules  and  in  the  digressions  on  the  stage  which  occur  in  the 
introduction.  The  first  of  these  digressions  recognizes  the  possibil 
ities  of  English  drama:  "  Si  les  auteurs  de  ce  pays  joignaient  a 
1'activite  qui  anime  leurs  pieces  un  style  naturel,  avec  de  la  decence 
et  de  la  re'gularite',  ils  1'emporteraient  bientot  sur  les  Grecs  et  sur 
les  Frangais."  1  The  other  is  a  plea  for  tolerance  in  literature, 
looking  toward  cosmopolitanism:  "  Irai-je  refuser  le  nom  de 
comedies  aux  pieces  de  M.  Congreve  ou  a  celles  de  Calderon, 
parcequ'elles  ne  sont  pas  dans  nos  moeurs?"  2 

The  French  and  English  chapters  on  Milton  form  nearly  as 
striking  a  contrast  as  those  dealing  with  Homer,  but  here  it  is 
difficult  to  feel  certain  to  what  extent  we  have  to  do  with  a  real 
change  in  opinion  and  to  what  extent  with  concession  to  circum 
stances.  Much  is  evidently  a  genuine  change  of  opinion.  In 
the  English  essay  Voltaire's  judgment  of  Milton  was  on  the  whole 
favorable,  his  adverse  criticism  having  to  do  with  details.  The 
spirit  of  the  French  is  cold  and  for  the  most  part  hostile.3  In 
1727  he  expressed  himself  as  quite  unable  to  understand  how 
Dryden  could  praise  Milton  so  highly  at  one  time,  and  rate  him 
so  low  at  another.  In  1733  he  explains  Dryden's  inconsistency 
without  hesitation  as  due  to  the  existence  in  Paradise  Lost  of 
a  great  number  of  defects. 

The  radical  difference  between  Voltaire's  two  judgments  of  the 
English  poet  may  be  seen  from  the  comparison  of  sentences,  French 
and  English,  in  which  he  briefly  describes  Milton's  epic.  In  1727 
he  called  Paradise  Lost  "  the  noblest  Work,  which  human  Imagi 
nation  hath  ever  attempted  .  .  .  the  only  Poem  wherein  are 
to  be  found  in  a  perfect  Degree  that  Uniformity  which  satisfies 
the  Mind  and  that  Variety  which  pleases  the  Imagination."  4 
The  French  chapter  ends  with  the  statement  that  the  English 
epic  is  "  un  ouvrage  plus  singulier  que  naturel,  plus  plein  d'imagi- 
nation  que  de  graces,  et  de  hardiesse  que  de  choix,  dont  le  sujet 
est  tout  ideal,  et  qui  semble  n'etre  pas  fait  pour  rhomme."  5 
This  is  laid  at  the  door  of  the  French  critics,  to  be  sure,  but  is 

1  Oeuvres,  VIII,  p.  307. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  308. 

3  He  devotes    less  than  a  page  to  the    enumeration  of  the  beauties  of  the 
poem  which  have  found  favor  with  the  French  and  over  two  pages  to  the  parts 
which  have  been  disapproved  by  French  critics.     The  latter  are  in  most  cases 
passages  which  he  had  touched  upon  in  the  English  essay  as  unlikely  to  please 
the  French. 

4  Pp.  131,  132-133,  post. 
8  Oeuvres,  VIII,  p.  360. 


THE  SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  ESSAY  69 

the  logical  conclusion  of  Voltaire's  own  arguments.  The  marked 
change  is  no  doubt  due  partly  to  altered  circumstances.  The 
translated  Paradise  Lost  had  become  a  serious  rival  of  the  Hen- 
riade  and  there  was  no  longer  the  need  to  conciliate  the  English. 

In  the  case  of  the  four  great  writers,  Homer,  Dante,  Shakes 
peare  and  Milton,  all  of  them,  according  to  pseudo-classic  taste, 
majestic  and  powerful  rather  than  polished  and  elegant,  Vol 
taire's  opinion  underwent  notable  changes.  At  heart  he  was  radi 
cally  opposed  to  their  irregularity  and  his  favorable  opinion  of 
them  seems  in  each  case  to  have  been  a  passing  one,  due  to  external 
influences  and  temporary  conditions.  This  explains  in  the  Essai 
sur  la  poesie  epique  his  favorable  attitude  toward  Homer,  a  pas 
sage  regarding  Shakespeare  which  a  well-known  critic1  has  called 
the  most  appreciative  in  all  Voltaire's  works,2  and  at  the  same 
time  his  hostility  to  Milton. 

There  is,  in  the  course  of  the  essay,  still  another  apparent  change 
of  opinion  which  may,  however,  be  largely  due  to  external  influ 
ences.  The  unfavorable  allusions  to  Italian  taste  in  the  English 
essay  had  at  once  brought  a  bitter  retort  from  the  pen  of  Rolli.3 
In  the  French  these  unpleasant  comments  were  in  most  cases 
either  suppressed  or  ingeniously  altered  so  as  to  lose  their  venom.4 


As  the  natural  result  of  the  author's  change  in  attitude  and 
of  his  failure  to  revise  the  whole,  the  French  essay  presents  some 
marked  inconsistencies,  especially  between  the  revised  chapter  on 
Homer  and  comparisons  of  Homer  with  other  poets,  Virgil,  Tasso, 
Ariosto  and  Ercilla,  the  decision  being  always  unfavorable  to  the 
Greek  poet.  Two  brief  sentences  may  be  quoted  as  examples, 
the  first  occurring  in  the  chapter  on  Virgil,  the  second  in  that 
on  Tasso.  "Homere  a  fait  Virgile,  dit-on;  si  cela  est,  c'est  sans 
doute  son  plus  bel  ouvrage."  5  "  Si  on  lit  Homere  par  une  espece 
de  devoir,  on  lit  et  on  relit  FArioste  pour  son  plaisir."  6 

We  may  also  see  some  discrepancy  between  the  unfavorable 

1  Lounsbury,  Shakespeare  and  Voltaire,  p.  52. 

2  Oeuvres,  VIII,  pp.  317-318. 

3  Cf.  p.  9,  note  3,  ante. 

4  Cf.  pp.  84,  note  4;  107,  note  1;  116,  note  5;  118,  notes  1,  2,  3;   130,  note  3; 
144,   note   3,   post.    One  of  these  changes  (p.  157,  post)  was    not  made  until 
later  than  1742. 

*  Oeuvres,  VIII,  p.  323. 

•  Ibid.,  p.  337. 


70  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

tone  of  the  French  chapter  on  Milton  and  the  sentences  in  the 
introduction:  "Beaucoup  de  personnes  le  preferent  [Paradise 
Lost]  a  Homere  avec  quelque  apparence  de  raison,"  l  and 
"  Milton  fait  autant  d'honneur  a  1'Angleterre  que  le  grand  New 
ton."  ' 


The  changes  due  to  the  fact  that  the  writer  is  now  addressing 
himself  to  a  French  and  not  an  English  public  are  of  two  kinds. 
The  first  are  those  which  show  that  he  has  become  more  didactic 
and  in  a  mild  way  more  polemic  in  the  presence  of  his  own  coun 
trymen.  He  gives  biographical  information  which  he  had  not 
thought  necessary  in  England,  concerning  not  only  Milton,3  but 
also  Homer,  Virgil  and  Tasso.  He  makes  a  plea  for  a  broad- 
minded  study  of  the  language  of  other  countries:  "  Celui  qui  ne 
sait  que  la  langue  de  son  pays  est  comme  ceux  qui,  n'etant  jamais 
sortis  de  la  cour  de  France,  pretendent  que  le  reste  du  monde 
est  peu  de  chose,  et  que  qui  a  vu  Versailles  a  tout  vu."  4 

The  discussion  of  the  simplicity  of  Homer's  heroes  is  made  the 
occasion  of  two  sharp  comments  upon  the  evil  effects  of  French 
court  life.  These  comments,  like  those  contained  in  the  Lettres 
philosophiques,*  may  well  be  the  result  of  the  writer's  stay  in 
England,  although  in  the  second,  Saint  James  is  mentioned  with 
Versailles  as  a  concession  to  the  French  public. 

A  second  class  of  changes  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  writer's 
efforts  are  now  to  conciliate  the  French.  The  excessive  praise  of 
Pope  and  Addison  and  the  far-fetched  allusions  to  Denham  and 
Waller  are  omitted.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  later  chapter 
on  Milton,  Voltaire  speaks  of  "  les  poesies  effeminees  et  la  mol- 
lesse  de  Waller."  6  In  the  same  chapter  the  English  imagina 
tion  is  mentioned  as  having  a  grewsome  quality. 

Conversely,  the  author  has  added  allusions  to  matters  interest- 

1  Oeuvres,  VIII,  p.  306. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  313. 

3Cf.  Foulet,  Con-.,  p.  145:  "What  I  say  of  Milton  cannot  be  understood 
by  the  French  unless  I  give  a  fuller  notion  of  that  author." 

«  Oeuvres,  VIII,  p.  308. 

6  Cf.  Lanson,  Lettres  phil.,  I,  p.  122.  As  an  example  of  the  simplicity  of 
life  of  certain  great  heroes,  Voltaire,  ever  mindful  of  his  own  interests,  cites 
Charles  XII  of  Sweden.  He  had  published  the  history  of  Charles  XII  in  1731. 

6  Cf.  Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  154:  "  The  articles  relating  to  Milton,  to  Sir  John 
Denham,  Waller,  Dryden,  must  needs  be  altogether  out  of  the  way  of  a  French 
reader."  Cf.  p.  Ill,  note  3,  post. 


THE  SUBSTANCE  OF  THE  ESSAY  71 

ing  to  the  French,  to  the  disputes  regarding  Homer  between 
Perrault  and  Boileau  and  between  La  Motte  and  Mme.  Dacier 
as  well  as  to  Boileau's  criticism  of  Tasso.  There  are  other  more 
definite  if  sometimes  more  trivial  appeals  to  the  French  public. 
In  the  section  on  Camoens  a  passage  describing  the  death  of 
Inez  de  Castro,  a  subject  which  had  inspired  a  play  of  La  Motte 
presented  in  Paris  in  1723,  is  spoken  of  as  the  most  beautiful  in 
the  Lusiads.1  It  had  not  even  been  mentioned  in  the  English 
essay.  The  sentence:  "  L'exactitude  franc. aise  n'admet  rien  qui  ait 
besoin  d'excuse,"2  had  read  in  the  English:  "...  whose  Ex 
actness  is  often  called  in  England  Timidity."  3  Again  "  Tous  les 
critiques  judicieux,  dont  la  France  est  pleine  "  4  are  pleasant 
words  but  singularly  inconsistent  with  certain  of  the  author's  re 
marks  concerning  critics  in  both  the  English  and  French  version. 

On  the  other  hand  important  concessions  to  the  French  public 
and  to  French  authorities  are  to  be  seen  in  the  omission  of  pas 
sages  occurring  in  the  English  essay  which  would  have  been  offen 
sive  to  men  of  letters  in  France,  to  the  church  or  to  the  state. 
Such  are  the  passages  alluding  to  the  inferiority  of  "  new-fangled  " 
French  writers  as  compared  to  those  of  the  century  of  Louis  XIV 
and  to  the  "  insupportable  and  insignificant  "  rules  to  which 
French  poets  submit,5  the  statement  that  the  "Popish  religion  " 
is  accounted  mean  and  low  in  England  6  and  that  the  general  public 
has  a  mocking  attitude  toward  sacred  history,  as  well  as  all  the 
significant  sentences  contrasting  France  and  England. 

The  conclusion  of  the  French  essay,  like  that  of  the  English, 
contains  no  general  deductions  such  as  one  might  expect.  Here, 
too,  the  author  is  occupied  with  the  question  as  to  why  the  French 
have  no  epic  poem,  though  the  discussion  takes  a  different  form. 
The  lack  of  liberty  in  France  as  well  as  in  the  French  language 
and  versification,  an  idea  which  had  such  a  prominent  place  in 
the  English,  is  not  touched  upon  in  the  French  version.  It  is 
shameful,  Voltaire  says,  that  the  French  should  be  reproached 
with  having  no  epic  poem;  as  a  matter  of  fact  no  great  French 

1  Cf.  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  p.  89:    "J'ai  e'te  a  Ines  de  Castro,  que  tout  le  monde 
trouve   mauvaise   et   tres-touchante."     Ibid.,    p.   98:     "II   pleut  des   critiques 
d'Ines,  ou  il  est  parle  de  moi,  tantot  en  bien,  tantot  en  mal,  et  toujours  assez 
mal  a  propos." 

2  Oeuvres,  VIII,  p.  311. 

3  P.  86,  post. 

4  Oeuvres,  VIII,  p.  357. 
6  Pp.  114,  149,  post. 

8  P.  122,  post. 


72  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

writer  has  ever  attempted  that  type;  Telemaque  is  by  no  means 
an  epic.  The  French  language  is,  however,  quite  capable  of 
flights  of  imagination,  nor  does  the  necessity  of  rime  in  French 
make  epic  poetry  impossible,  though  the  unimaginative  spirit  of 
the  times  makes  it  more  difficult  for  a  Frenchman  to  produce 
an  epic  than  for  a  writer  of  any  other  nationality.  Indeed  an 
eminent  authority  whom  Voltaire  had  consulted  some  years  before 
concerning  the  Henriade  had  discouraged  him,  saying:  "  Vous 
entreprenez  un  ouvrage  qui  n'est  pas  fait  pour  notre  nation;  les 
Franqais  n'ont  pas  la  tete  epique.  .  .  .  Quand  vous  ecririez 
aussi  bien  que  MM.  Racine  et  Despreaux,  ce  sera  beaucoup  si 
on  vous  lit."  1  It  is  to  conform  to  the  prevailing  spirit  of  the 
century,  Voltaire  tells  us,  that  he  has  chosen  an  historical  and 
not  a  fabulous  hero  and  has  used  no  "  fiction  "  other  than  per 
sonifications  of  realities.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  we  note  an  evident 
effort  to  establish  the  position  of  the  Henriade  in  the  author's 
own  country.  As  in  the  English  conclusion,  the  closing  words 
are  significant:  "  C'est  a  la  Henriade  seule  a  parler  en  sa  defense, 
et  au  temps  seul  de  desarmer  1'envie."  2 

1  Oeuvres,  VIII,  p.  363. 
'Ibid. 


AN 
ESSAY  UPON  THE  CIVIL  WARS  OF  FRANCE. 

Extracted  from  curious  MANUSCRIPTS. 

AND  ALSO  UPON 

THE  EPICK  POETRY  OF  THE  EUROPEAN  NATIONS. 
FROM  HOMER  DOWN  TO  MILTON. 

By  Mr.  de  VOLTAIRE. 


LONDON;  Printed  by  SAMUEL  JALLASON,  in 
Prujean's  Court  Old  Baity,  and  sold  by  the  Booksellers  of 
London  &  Westminster. 
MDCCXXVII. 


ADVERTISEMENT  TO  THE  READER.' 


It  has  the  Appearance  of  too  great  a  Presumption  in  a  Traveller, 
who  hath  been  but  eighteen  Months  in  England  to  attempt  to  write 
in  a  Language,  which  he  cannot  pronounce  at  all,  and  which  he 
hardly  understands  in  Conversation.  But  I  have  done  what  we  do 
every  Day  at  School,  where  we  write  Latin  and  Greek,  tho'  surely 
we  pronounce  them  both  very  pitifully,  and  should  understand  neither 
of  them  if  they  were  uttered  to  us  with  the  right  Roman  or  Greek 
Pronunciation. 

I  look  upon  the  English  Language  as  a  learned  one,  which  deserves 
to  be  the  Object  of  our  Application  in  France,  as  the  French  Tongue 
is  thought  a  kind  of  Accomplishment  in  England.2 

Besides,  I  did  not  learn  English  for  my  Private  Satisfaction  and 
Improvement  only,  but  out  of  a  kind  of  Duty. 

I  am  ordered  to  give  an  Account  of  my  Journey  into  England.3 

1  The  text  followed  is  that  of  1727.     Changes,  other  than  those  in  capitali 
zation  and  punctuation,  found  in  the  1728  edition  which  was  announced  aa 
corrected  by  Voltaire  himself,  will  be  indicated  in  the  notes,  as  well  as  variants 
of  any  interest  occurring  in  the  editions  of  1731  and  1760. 

The  Advertisement  preceded  the  first  of  the  essays,  that  on  the  Civil  Wars. 
The  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  occupied  pp.  37-130. 

2  Cf.  Lanson,  Lettres  phil.,  II,  p.  257.     (It  will  be  remembered  that  this  edi 
tion  reproduces  a  text  which  was,  in  point  of  date,  very  near  our  essay,  that 
of  the  Lettres  philosophiques  as  they  first  appeared  in  1734):     "  Un  ambassa- 
deur  de  France  en  Angleterre  est  toute  autre  chose.     II  ne  sait  pour  1'ordinaire 
pas  un  mot  d'anglais."     Cf.  also  Addison  in  the  Spectator,  ed.  Morley,  London, 
1891,  III,  p.   195:     "And  perhaps  the  Balance  of  Fashion  in   Europe,  which 
now  leans  upon  the  side  of  France,  may  be  so  alter'd  for  the  future,  that  it  may 
become  as  common  with  Frenchmen  to  come  to   England  for  their  finishing 
Stroke  of  Breeding,  as  it  has  been  for  Englishmen  to  go  to  France  for  it." 
That  already  in  1727  Frenchmen  were  beginning  to  turn  their  attention  to 
the  learning  of  English  appears  from  certain  of  Voltaire's  own  letters  of  that 
year  (cf.  p.  18,    ante)  as  well   as   from   a  passage  contained  in   the   preface  of 
the  translation  of  Gulliver  (cf.  p.  31,  note  2,  and  p.  36,  note  8,  ante)  in  which 
the  translator  speaks  of  "la  langue  anglaise  qui  commence  a  etre  a  la  mode 
a  Paris  et  que  plusieurs  personnes  de  distinction  et  de  merite  ont  depuis  peu 
apprise." 

3  It  is  here  that  Voltaire  first  refers  to  his  intention  of  setting  down  his  im- 

Eressions  of  England  which  were  to  form  one  of  his  most  important  works.     Cf. 
anson,  Lettres  phil.,  I,  p.  xxxvi;  Bengesco,  II,  p.  9.     His  use  of  the  word  ordered 
in  this  connection  seems  to  indicate  that  a  definite  request  led  him  to  under 
take  the  work. 


76  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

iiSuch  an  Undertaking  can  no  more  be  attempted  without  un\der- 
standing  the  Language,  than  a  Scheme  of  Astronomy  could  be  laid 
without  the  help  of  Mathematicks.  And  I  have  not  a  Mind  to  imitate 
the  late  Mr.  Sorbieres,  who  having  staid  three  Months  in  this  Country 
without  knowing  any  Thing,  either  of  its  Manners  or  of  its  Language, 
thought  fit  to  print  a  Relation  which  proved  but  a  dull  scurrilous 
Satyr1  upon  a  Nation  he  knew  nothing  of.2 

Our  European  Travellers  for  the  most  Part  are  satyrical  upon 
their  neighboring  Countries,  and  bestow  large  Praises  upon  the  Per 
sians  and  Chineses;1  it  being  too  natural  to  revile  those  who  stand 
in  Competition  with  us,  and  to  extol  those  who  being  far  remote  from 
us,  are  out  of  the  reach  of  Envy. 

iii  |  The  true  Aim  of  a  Relation  is  to  instruct  Men,  not  to  gratify  their 
Malice.  We  should  be  busied  chiefly  in  giving  faithful  Accounts 
of  all  the  useful  Things  and  of  the  extraordinary  Persons,  whom  to 
know,  and  to  imitate  would  be  a  Benefit  to  our  Countrymen.  A 
Traveller  who  writes  in  that  Spirit,  is  a  Merchant  of  a  nobler  Kind, 
who  imports  into  his  native  Country  the  Arts  and  Virtues  of  other 
Nations.* 

I  will  leave  to  others  the  Care  of  describing  with  Accuracy,  Paul's 
Church,  the  Monument,5  Westminster,  Stonehenge,  &c.  I  con 
sider  England  in  another  View;  it  strikes  my  Eyes  as  it  is  the  Land 
which  hath  produced  a  Newton,  a  Locke,  a  Tillotson,  a  Milton, 
a  Boyle,  and  many  great  Men  either  dead  or  alive,  whose  Glory  in 


1 1728  Satire. 

2  Samuel   Sorbieres,    Relation  d'un  Voyage  en   Angleterre,   Paris,    1664.     Cf . 
Texte,  p.  27:     "  Voltaire  est  ici  aussi  inexact  qu'injuste.     La    Relation  d'un 
voyage  en  Angleterre  n'est  nullement  une  satire  et  elle  est — si  Ton  regarde  a 
la  date  6u  elle  parut — 1'une  des  premieres  appreciations  motivees  de  1'esprit 
anglais  qu'il  y  ait  dans  notre  langue.     M6me,  cette  appreciation  est  g6nerale- 
ment  favorable." 

3  For  the  interest  in  Persia  and  China  felt  in  France  in  the  early  eighteenth 
century  cf.  P.  Martino,  L'Orient  dans  la  litterature  fran$aise  au  XVHe  et  au 
XVIIIe  siecle,  Paris,  1906,  pp.  176  ff.     Voltaire  himself  not  infrequently  uses 
an  oriental  setting.     Cf.  Zadig,  L'Orphelin  de  la  Chine,  etc. 

4  The  comparison  is  significant.     Voltaire  was  greatly  impressed  by  the  dig 
nity  of  the  position  of  merchants  in  England.     Cf.  Lanson,   Lettres  phil.,  I, 
pp.  121-122  and  Oeuvres,  II,  pp.  537,  547:   Zaire,  Epttre  dedicatoire,  1733  end  1736. 

6  Cf .  Lanson,  Lettres  phil.,  I,  p.  23:  "Celle  [la  chapelle  des  Quakers]  ou 
j'allai  est  pres  de  ce  fameux  pilier  qu'on  appelle  le  Monument,"  and  Commen- 
taire,  p.  26:  "Ce  qu'on  appelle  le  Monument  a  Londres  est  une  tres  haute 
colonne  (100  pieds  du  rez-de-chausse'e  a  la  sommite")  que  le  roi  Charles  II  fit 
6riger  dans  1'endroit  ou  commenga  le  grand  embrasement  qui  reduisit  la  plus 
grande  partie  de  la  ville  en  cendres,  1'an  1666.  Les  inscriptions  qui  sont  sur 
cette  colonne  contiennent  1'histoire  de  cet  incendie."  Quoted  from  Misson, 
Memoir es  et  Observations  faites  en  Angleterre,  1698,  p.  303. 


ADVERTISEMENT  TO  THE  READER  77 

War,  in  State- Affairs,  or  in  Letters,  will  not  be  confined  to  the  Bounds 
of  this  Island.1 

Whosoever  had  the  Honour  and  the  Happiness  to  be  acquainted 
with  any  of  them,  and  will  do  me  the  Favour  to  let  me  know  some 
notable  (tho' 2  perhaps  not  enough  known)  Passages  of  their  Lives, 
will  confer  an  Obligation  not  only  upon  me,  but  upon  the  Publick. 

[Likewise  if  there  are  any  new  Inventions  or  Undertakings,  which iv 
have  obtained  or  deserved  Success,  I  shall  be  obliged  to  those  who 
will  be  so  kind  as  to  give  me  an3  Informations  of  that  Nature.     And 
shall  either  quote  my  Authors,  or  observe  a  religious  Silence,  according 
as  they  think  it  proper.* 

As  to  this  present  Essay,  it  is  intended  as  a  kind  of  Preface  or 
Introduction  to  the  Henriade,  which  is  almost  entirely  printed,  nothing 
being  wanting  but  the  printing  of  the  Cuts  which  I  must  recommend 
here  as  particular:  Master-Pieces  of  Art  in  their  Kind:  'tis  the 
only  Beauty  in  the  Book,  that  I  can  answer  for.5 

1  Cf .  Lanson,  Lettres  phil.,  I,  pp.  152-153:  "  Puis  done  que  vous  exigez  que 
je  vous  parle  des  hommes  celebres  qu'aporte* 1  'Angleterre,  jecommencerai  par  les 
Bacons,  les  Lockes,  les  Newtons,  &c,"  and  II,  p.  110:  (Variant  first  occurring 
in  the  edition  of  1752)  "C'est  pourtant  la  le  pai's  qui  a  produit  des  Addissons, 
des  Popes,  des  Lokes,  et  des  Newtons."  Of  the  Lettres  philosophiques,  one  is 
devoted  to  Locke  and  several  to  Newton.  Tillotson,  Milton  and  Boyle,  how 
ever,  are  not  discussed.  Voltaire's  feeling  toward  Milton  had  undergone  a 
change  (cf.  p.  68,  ante)  and,  moreover,  the  author  of  Paradise  Lost  had  been 
treated  at  length  in  the  Essai  sur  la  poesie  epique  published  the  year  before. 
In  the  letter  to  Swift  written  in  December,  1727,  (cf.  p.  6,  note  2,  ante)  to 
ask  help  in  gathering  subscriptions  for  the  Henriade  Voltaire  turns  this  passage 
of  his  essay  to  good  account.  "  You  will  see  by  the  Advertisement,"  he  writes, 
"  that  I  have  some  designs  upon  you,  and  that  I  must  mention  you  for  the 
honour  of  yr  country  and  for  the  improvement  of  mine.  Do  not  forbid  me 
to  grace  my  relation  with  yr  name.  Let  me  indulge  the  satisfaction  of  talking 
of  you  as  posterity  will  do."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Swift  was  given  scant  space 
although  a  certain  amount  of  warm  praise  in  the  Lettres  philosophiques. 

2 1728  though. 

3 1728  any. 

4  This  passage  indicates  one  way  in  which  Voltaire  may  have  gathered  infor 
mation  for  his  work,  at  the  same  time  arousing  the  interest  of  the  English  public 
in  it.  An  English  translation  of  the  Lettres  philosophiques  appeared  in  London 
in  1733  before  the  original  French  version  had  been  published.  Cf.  Bengesco, 
II,  p.  11. 

6  In  the  edition  of  1731  "  which  is  ...  answer  for  "  has  been  omitted  and 
replaced  by  "  the  Octavo  edition  whereof  is  sold  by  N.  Prevost;  as  also  the 
French  tragedy  of  Brutus."  Voltaire's  Brutus  was  first  presented  in  Paris 
in  December,  1730.  Because  of  its  connection  with  Shakespeare's  Julius  Caesar 
it  was  of  particular  interest  to  the  English  public  as  was  the  Discours  sur  la 
tragedie,  containing  a  comparison  between  the  French  and  the  English  stage 
and  printed  as  an  introduction  to  Brutus  when  the  play  was  published  in  1731. 
An  English  translation  of  this  Discours  was  issued  with  Voltaire's  essays  that 
year  in  London  (cf.  p.  9,  note  3,  ante).  It  is  natural  that,  at  the  same  time, 
the  tragedy  should  have  been  put  on  sale  in  London  book-shops  and  that  it 
should  have  been  announced  together  with  the  Henriade  in  the  Advertisement 


78  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

preceding  the  essays.  Yet  Churton  Collins  (V.M.R.,  p.  95)  in  an  attempt  to 
explain  Parton's  statement  (Life  of  Voltaire,  I,  Appendix)  that  Brutus  was 
published  in  London  in  1727,  suggests  that  he  may  have  been  "  misled  by  an 
ambiguous  paragraph  at  the  end  of  the  preface  to  the  fourth  edition  of  the 
Essay  on  Epic  Poetry."  There  is  nothing  in  this  paragraph  itself  to  give  rise 
to  Parton's  mistake  which,  however,  becomes  clear  when  we  investigate,  as 
Churton  Collins  evidently  did  not  in  this  connection,  the  chapter  in  which 
Parton  mentions  the  English  essays  (I,  pp.  220-221).  There  he  quotes  a  part 
of  the  Advertisement  of  what  he  calls  the  1727  edition  but  of  what  is  in  reality 
that  of  1731  and  therefore  contains  the  allusion  to  Brutus.  As  a  result  of  this 
misapprehension,  he  concludes  that  the  tragedy  which  did  not  appear  in  Paris 
until  several  years  later  had  already  been  published  in  London  in  1727. 

Voltaire's  correspondence  for  several  years  preceding  his  stay  in  England 
shows  that  he  gave  particular  attention  to  the  illustrations  of  the  Henriade. 
Cf.  Oeuvres,  XXXIII,  pp.  78,  83,  89-90,  108,  etc.;  VIII,  p.  vi. 

It  is  in  this  ingeniously  modest  sentence  that  Voltaire  first  states  the  purpose 
of  the  essays  which  is  to  be  so  evident  throughout. 


ERRATA 


pag.    46     lin.  last  but  one 

raising 

read  rising 

pag.    51     lin.    1 

rouse  her 

"    rouse  it 

pag.    53     lin.    7 

Minds 

"    Mind 

pag.    65     lin.  24 

Northen 

"    Northern 

Ibid.           lin.  25 

were 

"    was 

pag.    66     lin.    2 

Italian 

"    Italians 

pag.    68     lin.  24 

put  on 

"    puts  on 

pag.    75     lin.    9 

to  the  Christ             "    to  Christ 

pag.    83     lin.    2 

Olinda 

"    Olindo 

pag.    89     lin.    6 

Shake  of 

"    Shake  off 

pag.    99     lin.    9 

Piritous 

"    Pirithous 

pag.  103     lin.  24 

the  last 

"    the  first 

pag.  124    lin.  10 

are  infinite 

Things  "     is  an  infinite 

Number  of 

Things 

Ibid.           lin.  12 

Paraphrase 

"    Periphrase 

Ibid.          lin.  26 

Skin 

"    Chin 

AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY.'  37 


We  have  in  every  Art  more  Rules  than  Examples,  for  Men  are 
more  fond  of  teaching,  than  able  to  perform;  so  there  are  more 
Commentators  than  Poets,  and  many  Writers  who  could  not  make 
two  Verses,  have  over-charg'd  us  with  voluminous  Treatises  of 
Poetry.2  All  those  Teachers  seem3  to  have  much  laboured  by  their 
Definitions,  Distinctions,  &c.  to  spread  a  profound  Obscurity  over 
Things  in  their  own  Nature  clear  and  perspicuous;  and  'tis  no 
wonder  if  such  Lawgivers,  unequal  to  the  Burthen  which  they 
took  upon  themselves,  have  embroil'd  the  States  which  they 
intended  to  regulate. 

| The  greatest  Part  of  the  Criticks  have  fetch'd4  the  Rules  of  38 
Epick  Poetry  from  the  Books  of  Homer,  according  to  the  Custom, 
or  rather,  to  the  Weakness  of  Men,  who  mistake  commonly  the 
Beginning  of  an  Art,  for  the  Principles  of  the  Art  itself,  and  are 
apt  to  believe,  that  every  Thing  must  be  by  its  own  Nature,  what 
it  was,  when  contriv'd  at  first.5  But  as  Homer  wrote  two  Poems 

1  In  the  French  essay  (Oeuvres,  VIII,  pp.  305  ff.     All  references  to  the  Essai 
in  these  notes  are  to  Oeuvres,  Gamier  freres,  VIII.)  this  introduction  has  become 
Chapitrel,  with  the  title:     "  Des  differents  gouts  des  peuples."     Nearly  twice 
as  long  as  the  English,  the  French  chapter  contains  practically  all  the  ideas  of 
the  English,  further  developed  and  more  definitely  and  more  systematically 
expressed.     Examples  intended  to  show  the  uselessness  of  rules  as  well  as  the 
difference  between  the  standards  of  different  nations  and  taken  from  fields 
other  than  literature  have  been  inserted  in  the  French.     The  idea  of  compara 
tive  literature  is  further  emphasized  by  an  added  appreciation  of  the  superi 
ority  of  real  genius  and  a  more  concrete  expression  of  the  necessity  of  a  broad- 
minded  attitude  toward  the  literature  of  other  nations.     Cf.  p.  68,  ante. 

2  Cf .  Lanson,  Lettres  phil.,  II,  p.  81:     "Je  vous  repondrai  qu'il  est  bien  ais<5 
de  raporter  en  prose  les  erreurs  d'un  poe'te.  .  .  .     Tous  les  grimauds  qui  s'e'rigent 
en  critiques  des  Ecrivains  celebres,  compilent  des  volumes  .  .  ."     Cf.  Addison 
in  Spectator,  II,  p.  148:     "As  there  are  many  eminent  Critics  who  have  not 
writ  a  good  Line  ..." 

3 1728  seem'd. 

4  Churton  Collins,  quoting  this  passage,  reads  filched  for  fetched,  an  error 
not  corrected  in  his  revised  edition.     (V.M.R.,  p.  66.) 

5  Cf .  Le  Bossu,  Traite  du  Poeme  epique,  I,  p.  2:     "C'est  done  dans  les  excel- 
lens  ouvrages  des  anciens  qu'il  faut  chercher  les  fondemens  de  cet  Art."     Le 
Bossu  was  considered  an  authority  on  the  rules  of  epic  poetry.     His  work  was 
well-known  and  greatly  admired  in  England  as  well  as  in  France.     Cf.  Dryden, 
ed.  Scott-Saintsbury,    XIV,    p.    210;  Pope,  Iliad,   ed.   Chalmers,   p.  11;  John 
Sheffield,  Duke  of  Buckinghamshire,  An  Essay  upon  Poetry,  1682,  ed.    Spingarn, 
Critical   Essays  of  the  Seventeenth  Century,  II,  pp.  295-296. 


82  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

of  a  quite  different  Nature,  and  as  the  Eneid1  of  Virgil  partakes 
of  the  Iliad,  and  of  the  Odissey,  the  Commentators  were  forc'd 
to  establish  different  Rules  to  reconcile  Homer  with  himself,  and 
other  new  Rules  again  to  make  Virgil  agree  with  Homer:  Just 
as  the  Astronomers  labour'd  under  the  Necessity  of  adding  to, 
or  taking  from  their  Systems,  and  of  bringing  in  concentric,  and 
excentric  Circles,  as  they  discover'd  new  Motions  in  the  Heavens. 

The  Ignorance  of  the  Astronomers2  was  excusable,  and  their 
Search  after  the  unfathomable  System  of  Nature,  was  to  be  com 
mended;  because  it  is  certain,  that  Nature  hath  its  own  Principles 
unvariable,  unerring,  and  as  worthy  of  our  Search,  as  remote 
from  our  Conceptions. 

But  it  is  not  with  the  Inventions  of  Art,  as  with  the  Works  of 
39  Nature.  The  same  Fancy  which  hath  invented  Poe|try,  changes 
every  Day  all  its  Productions,  because  it  is  liable  itself  to  eternal 
Vicissitudes.  The  Poetry  and  Musick  of  the  Persians,  differ  as 
much  from  ours,  as  their  Language.  Even  a  Nation  differs  from 
itself,  in  less  than  a  Century.3  There  are  not  more  Revolutions 
in  Governments,  than  in  Arts.  They  are  shifting,  and  gliding 
away  from  our  Pursuit,  when  we  endeavour  to  fix  them  by  our 
Rules  and  Definitions. 

If  I  am  to  give  a  Definition  of  a  Suit  of  Cloaths4  I  ought  not  to 
describe  any  particular  one.  Neither  the  Roman  nor  the  Greek, 
nor  the  French  ought  to  be  set  up  for  a  Pattern.  A  Suit  of 
Cloaths5  in  itself,  is  the  covering  of  the  Body,  that  is  all  that 
is  essential  to  it.  The  rest  is  but  accessary  Ornament,  which 
Fancy  and  Custom  create,  preserve  and  destroy  at  their  Will; 
and  if  we  like  one  Fashion  best,  we  are  not  to  exclude  every  other. 

So  'tis  perhaps  with  Epick  Poetry.  The  Word  Epick  comes 
from  Epos,  which  signifies  Discourse.  An  Epick  Poem  is  a  Dis 
course  in  Verse.  Use  alone  has  prefix' d  the  Name  of  Epick, 
particularly  to  those  Poems  which  relate  some  great  Action.  Let 
the  Action  be  single  or  complex,  let  it  lie  in  one  single  Place,  as 
4Qin  |  the  Iliad,  or  let  the  Hero  wander  all  the  World  over,  as  in 

1 1728  ^Eneid. 

2  Churton  Collins  (V.M.R.,  p.  67.)  has  "The  ignorance  of  the  Ancients." 

3  Cf .  Essai,  p.  307:     La  meme  nation  n'est  plus  reconnaissable  au  bout  de 
trois  ou  quatre  siecles."     Cf.  Lanson,  Lettres   phil.,    II,   p.  265:  "C'eat  a-peu- 
pres  ainsi  qu'il  faudrait  juger  des  nations,  et  surtout  des  Anglais;  on  devrait 
dire:  'Us  6taient  tels  en  cette  anne"e,  en  ce  mois.'  " 

4 1728  Clothes. 

5 1728  Clothes.     This  comparison  criticized  by  Rolli  (Remarks,  p.  39)  was 
omitted  in  the  French  version. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  83 

the  Odissey,  let  there  be  one  single  Hero,  or  a  great  many;  happy, 
or  unfortunate;  furious  as  Achilles,  or  pious  as  dEneas;  let  them 
be  Kings,  or  Generals,  or  neither  of  them;  let  the  Scene  lie  upon 
the  Indian  Ocean,  as  in  the  Lusiada  of  Camouens;1  in  the  West- 
Indies,  as  in  the  Araucana  of  Alonzo  of  Ereilla;2  in  Hell,  in  Heaven, 
out  of  the  Limits  of  our  Nature,  as  in  Milton;  the  Poem  will  equally 
deserve  the  Name  of  Epick,  unless  you  have  a  Mind  to  honour 
it  with  another  Title  proportionable  to  its  Merit.3 

In  so  boundless  a  Career,  the  Point  of  the  Question,  and  of 
the  Difficulty,  is  to  know  what  all  polite  Nations  agree  upon, 
and  in  what  they  differ. 

An  Epick  Poem  ought  to  be  grounded  upon  Judgement,  and  "* 
embellish'd  by  Imagination;  what  belongs  to  good  Sense,  belongs 
to  all  the  Nations  of  the  World.     The  Greeks,  the   Romans,  the 
Italians,  French,  English  and  Spaniards,  tell  us  in  all  their  Works, 
that  they  chiefly  like  Unity  of  Action,  because  the  Understanding 
is  better  satisfy'd  when  it  reposes  upon  a  single  Object,  adequate 
to  our  View,  and  which  we  may  take  in  easily,  than  when  it  is 
lost  in  the  Hurry  of  Confusion. 
|They  tell  us,  that  such  an   Unity  ought  to  be   attended   with  41 

1  Don  Luiz  de  Camoens,  1524-1580.  His  Lusiads  was  published  in  1572. 
The  spelling  Camouens  is  followed  throughout  and  preserved  in  all  editions 
of  the  English  essay,  as  well  as  in  early  editions  of  Voltaire's  French  version. 
In  the  French  translation  the  form  Camoens  appears. 

In  a  dissertation  preceding  Mickle's  translation  of  the  Lusiads,  1776,  Vol 
taire's  remarks  on  Camoens  in  the  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  are  quoted  and  severely 
criticized.  It  is  stated  there  that  no  other  author  ever  spelled  Camoens  as 
Voltaire  did.  (The  Works  of  the  English  Poets  from  Chaucer  to  Cowper,  XXI, 
London,  1810.  The  Lusiad,  translated  by  W.  J.  Mickle.  Dissertation  on  the 
Lusiad,  p.  607,  note.) 

The  tone  of  Mickle's  comments  may  be  seen  from  a  brief  quotation:  "Such 
is  the  original  criticism  of  Voltaire  on  the  Lusiad.  And  never,  perhaps,  was 
there  such  a  random  reverie,  such  a  mass  of  misrepresentations  and  falsities 
as  the  whole  of  it  exhibits.  The  most  excusable  parts  of  it  are  superficial  in 
the  highest  degree." 

2Alonso  Ereilla  y  Zuniga,  (or  Cuniga),  1533-1596,  Araucana,  1569-1590. 
Written  Ereilla  throughout  the  essay  and  in  1728,  1731  and  1760.  In  the 
French  translation,  we  find  both  Ereilla  and  Ereylla,  corrected  in  two  cases 
to  read  Ereilla  when  Voltaire  made  use  of  that  translation  in  1732,  but  in  one 
case  left  Ereilla.  The  cedilla  is  everywhere  omitted  from  the  C  in  Cuniga. 

3  Cf .  La  Motte,  Discours  sur  Homere  (L'lliade,  1714),  p.  xxvii:  "Pourquoi 
lui  refuseroit-on  le  nom  de  Poeme  e"pique,  a  moins  que  ce  ne  fut  pour  lui  eft 
trouver  un  plus  honorable  ?"  A  sentence  in  the  introduction  of  the  Essai  serves 
to  connect  this  idea  with  a  somewhat  similar  passage  in  the  Spectator:  "Si  vous 
vous  faites  scrupule,  disait  le  c£lebre  M.  Addison,  de  donner  le  titre  de  poeme 
6pique  au  Paradis  perdu  de  Milton,  appelez-le,  si  vous  voulez,  un  poeme  divin, 
donnez-lui  tcl  nom  qu'il  vous  plaira,  pourvu  que  vous  confessiez  que  c'est  un 
ouvrage  aussi  admirable  en  son  genre  que  I'lliade." 


84  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Variety,  as  a  Body  is  made  up  of  Members,1  all  different,  and  all 
conducive  to  the  same  End;  That  the  Action  should  be  great, 
to  strike  us  with  Awe,  interesting,  because  we  delight  in  being 
mov'd;2  entire,  that  our  Minds  may  be  wholly  satisfy 'd. 

These,  and  the  like,  are  a  Kind  of  eternal  Laws,  submitted  to 
by  all  Nations,  because  enacted  by  Nature.  But  the  Machinery, 
the  Episodes,  the  Stile  itself,  and  all  that  depends  upon  that 
Instinct  call'd  Taste,  and  upon  the  Tyranny  of  Custom,  that  is 
the  Point  in  which  there  are  too  many  Opinions  and  no  Rules. 

It  is  true,  there  are  Beauties  which  the  Taste  of  every  Nation 
equally  relish.  Since  all  Europe  hath  set  up  the  Greek,  and  Roman 
Authors  for  Models  of  Writing,  Homer  and  Demosthenes,  Virgil 
and  Tully,  have  in  some  Measure  united  under  their  Laws  our 
European  Nations,  and  made  of  so  many  and  different  Countries, 
a  single  Commonwealth  of  Letters.  But  still  our  particular  Cus 
toms  have  introduc'd  among  them  all,  a  new  Sort  of  Taste,  peculiar 
to  each  Nation. 

The  best  modern  Writers  have  mix'd  the  Taste  of  their  Country, 
42  with  that  of  the  Ancients.  Their  Flowers  and  their  |  Fruits, 
warm'd  and  matur'd  by  the  same  sun,  yet  draw  from  the  Soil 
they  grow  upon,  their  different  Colours,  their  Flavours  and  their 
Size.  It  is  as  easy  to  distinguish  a  Spanish,  an  Italian,  or  an 
English  Author,  by  their  Stile,  as  to  know  by  their  Gate,3  their 
Speech,  and  their  Features,  in  what  Country  they  were  born. 

The  Italian  Softness,  their  Witticism,  so  often  degenerating 
into  Conceit,4  the  pompous  and  metaphorical  Stile  of  the  Spaniard, 
the  Exactness  and  Perspicuity  of  the  French,5  the  Strength  pecu 
liar  to  the  English,6  their  Fondness  of  Allegories,  their  running 
»—•  into  Similes,7  are  so  many  distinguishable  Marks,  which  do  not 
escape  the  Observation  of  proper  Judges. 

1  Cf.  Le  Bossu,  I,  p.  142:  "Alors  on  les  considere  comme  un  corps  qui  ne  devoit 
pas  avoir  des  membres  de  natures  differentes  et  independans  les  uns  des  autres." 
Ibid.,  p.  119:  "  Mais  cela  ne  sera  pas  deffendu  si  un  Poete  est  assez  adroit  pour 
les  re'unir  [les  Episodes]  toutes  en  un  seul  corps  comme  des  membres  et  des 
parties,  dont  chacune  a  part  seroit  imparfaite."  Ibid.,  II,  p.    14:  "  Les  Poe'tes 
ont  tout  r6duit  a  une  seule  action,  sous  un  seul  &  meme  dessein  &  en  un  corps 
qui  ne  rec.oit  point  de  membres  &  de  parties  etrangeres." 

2  1728  moved. 
3 1728  Gait. 

4  Cf .  Essai,  p.  309:  "La  douceur  et  la  mollesse  de  la  langtie  italienne  s'est 
insinue'e  dans  le  genie  des  auteurs  italiens." 

6  Ibid.,  p.  310:  "  Les  Frangais  ont  pour  eux  la  clarte,  1'exactitude,  1'elegance." 

6  Ibid.,  "  La  force,  I'e'nergie,  la  hardiesse,  sont  plus  particulieres  aux  Anglais." 

7  Regarding  the  free  use  of  similes  in  the  Essay,  wherein  Voltaire  feels  that 
he  is  conforming  to  English  taste  (cf.  p.  66,  note  2,  ante)  Rolli  says  (Remarks, 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  85 

From  their  different  Characters  flows  that  dislike  that1  every 
Nation  shows  for  the  Taste  of  its  Neighbour.  Hence  it  is  that 
the  Battle  of  the  Angels  in  Milton,  would  not  succeed  among 
the  French.  Hence  it  is  that  the  long,  but  noble  Speeches  of 
Cinna,  and  Augustus,  in  Corneille,  could  not  be  tolerated  upon 
the  English  Stage. 

(These  following   Lines  of   Tasso,2  are  admired    in  Italy,  learnt  43 
by  Heart,  and  in  every  Body's  Mouth. 

Colei  Sophronia,  Olindo  egli  S'apella, 
D'una  cittade  entrambi,  e  d'una  fede. 
Ei  che  modesto  e  si  com'  essa  e  bella, 
Brama  assal,  poco  Spera,  e  nulla  chiede, 
Ne  sa  Scoprirsi,  o  non  ardisce;  e  ella, 
0  lo  Sprezza,  o  no' I  vede,  o  non  s'avede; 
Cosi  fin  hora  il  misero  ha  servito, 
0  non  visto,  o  mal  noto,  o  mal  gradito.3 

There  is  nothing  in  these  Lines  that  offends  against  good  Sense; 
but  such  a  gingling4  of  Words,  that  overnice  Symmetry  of  Expres 
sion,  that  curl'd  Thought  revolving  on  itself,  won't  methinks  be 
applauded  by  a  French,  or  an  English  Reader,  who  requires5  a 
more  serious  and  more  majestick  Simplicity  in  Heroic  poetry. 

Among  many  Passages  of  Milton,  which  every  French  Reader 

p.  92):  "  The  Reader  should  take  notice  how  M.  Voltaire  embellishes  his  Essay 
with  pretty  similes.  I  own  I  am  delighted  with  them  and  expect  them  as  I 
do  songs  in  an  Opera .  .  .  they  belong  besides  very  well  to  an  Essay  of  so  great 
a  subject  as  Epick  Poetry,  &  to  so  grave  an  Author  as  M.  Voltaire." 

1  1728  which. 

2  Torquato  Tasso,  1544-1595. 

3  Gerusalemme  liberata,   Canto   II,   stanza   16.  Rolli    (Remarks,   p.   43)    says 
that  these  lines  of  Tasso  were  never  admired  by  the  Italians.     In  the  Essai 
this  extract  was  replaced  by  two  other  passages  of  Tasso  from  the  Gerusalemme 
liberata.     Rolli  criticized  severely  various  parts  of  the  Essay  but  it  was  naturally 
the  slurs  cast  upon  Italian  taste  which  he  resented  most.     Cf.  Ibid. :  "  Mr. 
Voltaire  does  perhaps  understand  but  I  am  sure  he  has  read  but  three  or  four 
Italian  authors,  he  never  was  in  Italy,  he  never  perhaps  conversed  with  any 
Italian  of  true  learning,  yet  he,  either  by  a  superior  Genius  or  de  gaite"  de  coeur 
ventures  at  this  most  bold  and  inconsiderate  Blow  against  no  less  than  a  whole 
Nation,  a  Nation  who,  in  matter  of  Epick  Poetry  had  Ariosto  and  Tasso  almost 
twenty    years    before     France    had     Mr.     Voltaire."     Ibid.,    p.    119:     "The 
whole  Italian  Nation  is  most  injuriously  used  by  this  great  author."     It  is 
significant  that  the  comments  on  the  Italians  have  been  in  several  cases  made 
more  favorable  in  the  French  version.     Cf.  p.  69,  note  4,  ante. 

4  1728  jingling. 
8  1728  require. 


86  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

would  startle  at,  I  beg  leave  to  quote  one,  which  has  here  more 
Partisans1  than  Criticks;  'tis  in  the  first  Canto, — 

At  once  as  far  as  Angels  Ken  he  views 
The  dismal  Situation,  waste  and  wild, 

44  |  A  Dungeon  horrible,  on  all  Sides  round, 

As  one  great  Furnace  flam'd;  yet  from  those  Flames 
No  Light,  but  rather  a  Darkness  visible 
Serv'd  only  to  discover  Sights  of  Woe.* 

Antonio  de  Solis,  in  his  excellent  History  of  Mexico,3  hath 
ventur'd  on  the  same  Thought,  when  speaking  of  the  Place  wherein 
Montezuma  was  wont  to  consult  his  deities:  "  'Twas  a  large  dark 
subterraneous  Vault,  says  he,  where  some  dismal  Tapers  afforded 
just  Light  enough  to  see  the  Obscurity." 

Such  daring  Thoughts  would  be  look'd  upon  as  Nonsense  by 
a  French  Critick,  whose  Exactness  is  often  call'd  in  England  Tim 
idity.  And  since  the  greatest  Poet  among  the  English,  and  the 
best  Writer  among  the  Spaniards,  have  not  scrupPd4  to  indulge 
now  and  then  such  Flights  bordering  on  Bombast,  that  proves 
at  least  that  in  their  Countries,  the  Authors  have  a  more  free 
Scope  than  in  France. 

I  need  no  more  Examples  to  demonstrate,  that  there  is  such 
a  Thing  as  a  National  Taste. 

This  once  granted,  if  we  have  a  Mind  to  get  a  true  Knowledge 
of  Epick  Poetry,  it  would  be  worth  our  while  to  take  a  Survey 

45  of  all  the  different  Poems  of  that  |  Kind,  which  have  succeeded 
in  different  Ages,  and  in  different  Countries. 

'Tis  not  enough  to  be  acquainted  with  Virgil,  and  Homer.  As 
in  regard  to  Tragedy,  a  Man  who  has  only  perus'd5  Sophocles 
and  Euripides  could  not  have  an  entire  Notion  of  the  Stage.  We 
should  be  their  Admirers,  not  their  Slaves.  We  do  not  speak  the 
same  Language.  Our  Religion  (the  great  Basis  of  Epick  Poetry) 
is  the  very  Reverse  of  their  Mythology:  Our  Battles,  our  Sieges, 
our  Fleets,  are  more  different  from  theirs,  than  our  Manners  from 

1  1728  Partizans. 

2  Paradise  Lost,  I,  11.  59-64.     L.  63  reads:  "  No  light;  but  rather  darkness 
visible." 

3  Antonio  de  Solis  y  Ribadeneyra,   Spanish  poet,   dramatist  and  historian, 
1610-1686.     Historia  de  la  Conquista  de   Mejico   (1684),  Biblioteca  de   Autores 
Espanoles,  XXVIII,  205-387. 

4 1728  scrupled. 
6 1728  perused. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  87 

those  of  America.1  The  Invention  of  Gun-Powder,  that  of  the 
Compass,  that  of  Printing,  so  many  Arts  besides  newly  emerg'd2 
into  the  World,  have  alter'd3  the  Face  of  the  Universe;  and  an 
Epick  Poet,  'being  surrounded  with  so  many  Novelties,  must  have 
but  a  small  Share  of  Genius,  if  he  durst  not  be  new  himself.4 

We  send  our  Children  to  travel  into  neighboring  Countries, 
after  they  have  read  Virgil  and  Homer  at  School.  Should  their 
Time  be  ill  employ'd  in  getting  a  thorough  Knowledge  of  Milton 
in  England,  or  of  Tasso  in  Italy  ?  Where  are  Monuments  to  be 
found  which  better  deserve  the  Observation  of  a  Traveller  ? 

| Our  just    Respect  for  the    Ancients,5  proves  a  meer  Supersti-     46 
tion,  if  it  betrays  us  into  a  rash  Contempt  of  our  Neighbors  and 
Countrymen.     We  ought  not  to  do  such  an  Injury  to  Nature,  as 
to  shut  our  Eyes  to  all  the  Beauties  that  her  Hands  pour  around 
us,  in  order  to  look  back  fixedly  on  her  former  Productions.6 

'Tis  a  pleasure,  no  doubt,  and  a  great  Improvement  of  our 
Mind,  to  survey  all  the  Epick  Writers  in  their  respective  Coun 
tries,  from  Homer  down  to  Milton,  and  to  observe  the  different 
Features,  and  the  various  Dresses  of  those  great  Men. 

'Tis  a  task  beyond  the  Reach  of  my  Capacity,  to  give  a  full 
Prospect  of  them.  I  shall  but  faintly  touch  the  first  Lines  of 

1  We  have  here  an  interesting  example  of  the  use  of  America,  prevalent  among 
French  writers  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries,  as   typical  of  what 
is  most  remote  and  most  unlike  France.     Cf.  Montesquieu,   Leltres  persanes, 
1721,  Oeuvres,  V,  p.  205:  "  Le  fils  meconnoit  le  portrait  de  sa  mere  tant  1'habit 
avec  lequel  elle  est  peinte  lui  paroit  dtranger;  il  s'imagine  que  c'est  quelque 
Americaine  qui  y  est  represent6e,  ou  que  le  peintre  a  voulu  exprimer  quelqu'une  de 
ses  fantaisies." 

Fontenelle,  Digression  sur  les  anciens  et  les  modernes,  1688,  Oeuvres,  IV, 
p.  251 :  "  Dieu  sait  avec  quel  mdpris  on  traitera  en  comparaison  de  nous  les  beaux 
esprits  de  ce  temps  la,  qui  pourront  bien  etre  des  Americains."  Cf.  Chinard, 
L'Amerique  et  le  reve  exotique  dans  la  litterature  frangaise  au  XVII6  et  au  XVIIIe 
siecles. 

2  1728  emerged. 

3  1728  altered 

4  This  sentence,  at  first  translated  rather  literally  in  the  Essai,  was  changed 
between  '51  and  '56  to  read;  "  II  faut  peindre  avec  des  couleurs  vraies  comme 
les  anciens  mais  il  ne  faut   pas    peindre  les  memes  choses."  P.  152,  post.  Cf. 
Andre  Chenier,  L' Invention,  Oeuvres,  II,  p.  9: 

"  Changeons  en  notre  miel  leurs  plus  antiques  fleurs, 
Pour  peindre  notre  id6e  empruntons  leurs  couleurs; 
Allumons  nos  flambeaux  a  leurs  feux  po6tiques; 
Sur  des  pensers  nouveaux  faisons  des  vers  antiques." 

5  1728  Antients. 

6  Cf .  Perrault,  Paralelle  des  Anciens  et  des  Modernes,  Preface:  "II  m'a  paru 
tant  d'aveuglement  dans  cette  prevention  et  tant  d'ingratitude  a  ne  pas  vouloir 
ouvrir  les  yeux  sur  la  beaute  de  nostre  Siecle,a  qui  le  Ciel  a  de  parti  mille  lumieres 
qu'il  a  refus^es  a  toute  1'AntiquiteV' 


88  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

their  Pictures.  Some  abler  Hand  will  add  the  finishing  Strokes 
to  this  imperfect  Drawing. 

The  judicious  Reader  will  supply  the  Defects,  and  inforce  the 
feeble  Hints  he  will  find  in  this  Essay.  My  part  is  to  propose, 
his  to  judge;  and  his  Judgement  will  be  right,  if  he  attends  without 
Partiality,  laying  aside  the  Prejudices  of  the  School,  or  the  over 
bearing  Love  of  the  Productions  of  his  own  Country. 

He  will  mark  the  Progresses,  the  Sinking  of  the  Art,  its  Rais- 
47  ing1  again,  and  pursue  it  through  its  various  Changes.  |  He 
will  distinguish  the  Beauties,  and  the  Faults  which  are  such, 
every  where,  and  in  all  Ages,  from  those  doubtful  Things  which 
are  call'd  Blemishes  by  one  Nation,  and  stil'd2  Perfections  by 
another.  He  will  not  be  tyranniz'd3  by  Aristotle,  Castelvetro, 
Dacier,  Le  Bossu,4  but  he  will  extract  his  own  Rules  from  the 
various  Examples  he  shall  have  before  his  Eyes,  and  governed 
by  his  good  Sense  alone,  be  a  Judge  between  the  Gods  of  Homer, 
and  the  God  of  Milton,  and  between  Calipso,  Dido,  Armida  and  Eve. 

But  if  the  Reader  be  so  just,  as  to  make  Allowances  for  the 
Time,  in  which  those  different  Authors  have  writ,  it  is  to  be  hoped, 
he  will  look  with  some  Indulgence  on  the  Diction  of  this  Essay 
and  pardon  the  failings  of  one  who  has  learn'd5  English  but  this 
Year  of  one  who  has  drawn  most  of  his  Observations  from  Books 
written  in  England,6  and  who  pays  to  this  Country  but  Part  of 

1 1728  Rising.     Cf.  Errata. 

2 1728  stiled. 

3 1728  tyrannized. 

4  Each  of  the  critics  mentioned  here  was  either  the  translator  of  Aristotle's 
Poetics  or  the  author  of  a  work  based  on  Aristotle:  Lodovico  Castelvetro,  1505- 
1571,  La  Poetica  d'Aristotile;  Andr6  Dacier,  1651-1722,  Poetique  (d'Aristote) ; 
Ren6  Le  Bossu,  1631-1680,  Traite  du  Poeme  epique,  (based  on  Homer  and  Virgil 
and  the  theories  of  Aristotle).  Cf.  Spingarn,  A  History  of  Literary  Criticism 
in  the  Renaissance,  and  Saintsbury,  A  History  of  Criticism,  II. 

6  1728  learned. 

6  Although  it  is  not  claimed  that  the  notes  given  here  contain  an  exhaustive 
study  of  sources,  they  are  sufficiently  full  to  show  how  remarkably  true  is  this 
statement  of  Voltaire's  and  in  particular  to  what  an  extent  he  "drew  his  obser 
vations  "  from  Addison's  Spectator.  Cf.  pp.  93,  94,  95,  115,  133,  136,  138, 
139,  140,  143,  145,  post.  We  have  seen  that  at  some  time  early  in  his  stay 
in  England,  probably  during  the  spring  of  the  year  1727,  Voltaire  formed  the 
habit  of  reading  aloud  from  the  Spectator  for  practice  in  pronunciation  (cf. 
p.  18,  ante).  At  the  time  of  writing  his  essay  not  only  does  he  pay  Addispn 
the  subtle  compliment  of  borrowing  much  from  him,  but  definitely  calls  him 
the  best  writer  and  the  best  critic  of  his  age  (p.  58  note  4,  ante)  "  whose  Judg 
ment  seems  either  to  guide  or  to  justify  the  Opinion  of  his  Countrymen."  P. 
141,  post. 

Again,  with  his  easy  use  of  superlatives,  Voltaire  had  in  the  autumn  of 
1726  spoken  of  Pope  as  "  the  best  poet  of  England  and  at  present  of  all  the 
world  "  (Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  54),  and  his  admiration  for  the  author  of  the  Essay  on 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  89 

what  he  owes  to  her.  A  Nurse  is  not  displeased  with  the  stam 
mering  Articulations  of  a  Child,  who  delivers  to  her  with  much 
ado  his  first  undigested  Thoughts.1 

\Homer.*  48 

It  would  seem  too  assuming,  and  prove  very  useless,  to  expa 
tiate  upon  Homer  and  Virgil,  especially  in  England,  where  there 
is  scarce  a  Gentleman  unacquainted  with  Latin  and  Greek. 

As  to  Homer,  those  who  cannot  read  him  in  the  Original  have 
Mr.  Pope's  Translation;3  they  may  discern  the  Fire  of  that  Father 
of  Poetry,  reflected  from  such  a  polish'd  and  faithful  Glass.4  I 
will  neither  point  out  his  Beauties,  since  none  of  them  are  lost 

Criticism  is  well-known.  It  is  therefore  not  surprising  that  the  text  of  our  essay 
should  show  that  the  writer  kept  Pope's  Iliad  (and  its  Preface)  before  his  eyes 
and  in  some  cases  made  a  curious  use  of  sentences  found  there. 

Voltaire  must  also  have  owed  much  to  conversations  with  men  of  letters, 
with  classical  scholars,  and  with  Englishmen  in  general.  (Cf.  Lanson,  Lettres 
phil.,  Introduction,  p.  li,  note  1.)  Among  others,  he  doubtless  talked  with 
the  French  refugees  who  met  and  discussed  literature  and  diverse  topics  at 
the  Rainbow  Coffee  House.  Cf.  Texte,  p.  18. 

As  a  concrete  example  of  the  use  of  an  oral  source,  we  have  the  account  of 
Camoens  contained  in  the  essay,  if  we  accept  what  seems  fairly  authentic 
testimony.  Cf.  Dr.  Joseph  Wharton :  note  to  Dunciad,  iv,  560,  quoted  in  the 
Parliamentary  History,  VII,  459,  note  and  thence  by  Ballantyne,  p.  121:  "I 
remember  Collins  told  me  that  Bladen  had  given  to  Voltaire  all  that  account 
of  Camoens  inserted  in  the  Essay  on  the  Epic  Poets  of  all  Nations;  and  that 
Voltaire  seemed  before  entirely  ignorant  of  the  name  and  character  of  Camoens." 

1  This  passage  bearing  directly  upon  the  English  of  the  essay  was  naturally 
omitted  in  the  French.     It  was  replaced  by  a  paragraph  found  in  the  English 
chapter  on  Milton    (cf.  p.   135,  post)  concerning  the  benefits  one  nation  might 
derive  from  a  better  knowledge  of  the  literatures  of  others. 

2  Cf.   Essai,  Chapitre  II,  Homere,  p.  314.     The  French  chapter  is  nearly 
twice  as  long  as  the  English.     It  is,  as  has  been  shown,  the  part  of  the  French 
essay  which  deviates  most  widely  from  the  original,  differing  from  it  radically 
in  plan,  detail  and  spirit.     It  will  be  remembered  that  various  reasons  for  this 
change  have  been  suggested:  Voltaire's  desire  while  in  England  to  praise  Pope 
but  to  decry  Homer  in  whom  he  no  doubt  saw  a  rival,  and  the  tendency  of  the 
France  of  his  youth  to  scorn  Homer,  combined  with  his  own  natural  preferences 
in  literature  and  his  insufficient  knowledge  of  Greek  probably  determined  the 
tone  of  the  English  chapter;  the  fact  that  Homer  was  unpopular  in  France 
and  not  to  be  considered  as  a  rival  in  that  country,  together  with  the  impress 
of  the  years  in  England  and  a  better  knowledge  of  the  Iliad  in  the  original  Greek 
may  have  determined  the  tone  of  the  French. 

Of  the  numerous  points  treated  in  the  English,  only  three  or  four  appear 
in  the  French  at  all,  and  then  in  quite  a  different  light, — the  force  of  Homer's 

Eainting,  the  extravagance  of  his  gods  and  his  combats,  and  the  fact  that  he 
as  been  at  the  same  time  worshipped  and  neglected.  The  French  chapter 
on  the  other  hand  contains  information  about  Homer  and  the  literature  of 
his  times,  a  defence  of  his  gods  and  his  heroes,  an  account  of  the  disputes  con 
cerning  the  Greek  poet  which  had  taken  place  in  France  and  a  statement  of 
Voltaire's  own  position.  Cf.  pp.  66  ff.  ante. 

3  Pope's  Iliad  was  published  between  1715  and  1720. 

4  Cf.  Pope,  Iliad,  ed.  Chalmers,  preface,  p.  3:  "This  fire  is  discerned  in  Virgil, 
but  discerned  as  through  a  glass,  reflected  from  Homer." 


90  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

in  the  Translation,  nor  cavil  at  his  Faults,  which  are  for  the  most 
part  lessen'd  or  embellish'd.1 

Let  every  Reader  consult  himself,  when  he  reads  Homer,  and 
reflect  how  that  Poem  works  upon  his  Mind;  then  he  will  judge 
if  Homer  hath  reach'd  to  the  utmost  Pitch  of  the  Art,2  in  any 
Thing  else  but  in  that  predominant  Force  of  Painting  which 
makes  his  peculiar  Character.3 

Notwithstanding  the  Veneration  due,  and  paid  to  Homer,  it 
is  very  strange,  yet  true,  that  among  the  most  Learn'd,4  and 
the  greatest  Admirers  of  Antiquity,  there  is  scarce  one  to  be 
found,  who  ever  read  the  Iliad,  with  that  Eagerness  and  Rapture, 
49  which  a  Woman  feels  when  she  reads  the  Novel  |  of  Za'ida;5  and 
as  to  the  common  Mass  of  Readers,  less  conversant  with  Letters, 
but  not  perhaps  endow'd6  with  a  less  Share  of  Judgment  and 
Wit,  few  have  been  able  to  go  through  the  whole  Iliad,  without 
strugling7  against  a  secret  Dislike,  and  some  have  thrown  it 
aside  after  the  fourth  or  fifth  Book.  How  does  it  come  to  pass 
that  Homer  hath  so  many  Admirers,  and  so  few  Readers  ?  And 
is  at  the  same  time  worshipp'd8  and  neglected  ? 

I'll  endeavour  to  give  some  Reasons  for  this  Paradox.  The 
common  Part  of  Mankind  is  aw'd*  with  the  Fame  of  Homer, 
rather  than  struck  with  his  Beauties.  The  judicious  Reader  is 
pleas'd10  no  doubt  with  the  noble  Imagination  of  that  great  Author, 
but  very  few  have  command  enough  over  their  own  Prejudices, 
and  can  transport  themselves  far  enough  into  such  a  remote  An- 

1  Cf.  Lanson,  Lettres  phil.,  II,  p.  136  :"Vous  pouvez  plus  aisement  vous  former 
quelqu'idee  de    Mr.  Pope;  c'est,  je  crois,  le  poete  le  plus  elegant,  le  plus  correct, 
&  ce  qui  est  encore  beaucoup,  le  plus  harmonieux  qu'ait  1'Angleterre."     Cf.  Fou- 
let,  Corr.,  pp.  53-54:  "  I  intend  to  send  you  two  or  three  poems  of  Mr.  Pope, 
the  best  poet  of  England,  and  at  present  of  all  the  world." 

2  Cf.  p.  99,  post,  where  the  words  "reached  to  the  utmost  Pitch  of  the  Art" 
occur  again.     This  coincidence  is  perhaps  worth  noticing  in  connection  with 
the  study  of  the  language  of  the  essay. 

3  Cf .  Essai,  p.  318:  "  Le  grand  merite  d'Hom^re  est  d'avoir  ete  un  peintre 
sublime." 

4  1728  Learned. 

5  Mme.  de  La  Fayette's  Zaide  was  published  in  1670. 

In  the  account  of  the  French  translation  of  the  Essay  in  the  Journal  des 
SfO/oana  (Sept.  1728,  pp.  517  ff.)  there  occurs  a  curious  misprint  in  connection 
with  this  passage:  "Notre  Auteur  supposant  qu'il  n'y  a  point  de  Scavans  qui 
ayent  lu  Homere  avec  autant  de  plaisir  qu'en  ressentent  les  femmes  qui  lisent 
Ovide  [sic]  .  .  ." 

6 1728  endowed. 

7  1728  struggling. 

8 1728  worshipped. 

9  1728  awed. 

10 1728  pleased. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  91 

tiquity,  as  to  become  the  Contemporaries  of  Homer  when  they 
read  him:1  Good  Sense  bids  them  to  make  Allowances  for  the 
Manners  of  his  Time,  but  'tis  almost  impossible  to  bring  them 
selves  to  a  quick  Relish  of  them.  The  Rays  of  his  Light  trans 
mitted  to  their  Eyes  through  so  long  a  Way,  afford  them  but  a 
feeble  glimmering  Twilight,  and  no  Warmth.  They  are  like  the 
old  Counsellors  of  |  Priam,  who  confess'd  without  any  emotion  50 
of  Heart,  that  Helena  was  a  Beauty. 

A  second  Reason  of  their  Dislike,  is  that  Uniformity  which 
seems  diffused  through  all  the  Work.  The  Battles  take  up  three 
Parts  of  the  whole  Iliad.  The  Reader  is  more  likely  to  be  dis 
gusted  by  the  continual  Glare  of  that  predominant  Colour  which 
is  spread  over  the  Poem,  than  to  be  pleased  with  the  Variety  of 
Teints,  and  Shades,  which  require  a  refin'd  Sight  to  perceive  them. 

Thirdly,  the  Poem  is  certainly  too  long,  and  'tis  an  Exception 
that  all  Epick  Poets  are  liable  to;  for  there  is  no  Epick  Poetry 
without  a  powerful  Imagination,  and  no  great  Imagination  with 
out  over-flowing. 

I  wave  here  all  the  Quarrels  rais'd2  by  the  Enemies  of  Homer, 
to  such  Parts  of  his  Poems,  as  may  be  the  Objects  of  our  Criti 
cism,  but  never  the  Cause  of  our  Sleep. 

His  Gods  are  perhaps  at  once  absurd  and  entertaining,  as  the 
Madness  of  Ariosto3  amuses  us  with  a  bewitching  Delight.  And 
for  his  other  Faults,  the  Majesty,  and  the  Fire  of  his  Stile,  brightens 
them  often  into  Beauties. 

But  in  my  Opinion,  the  best  reason  for  that  Languour4  which 
creeps  upon  the  Mind  of  so  many  Readers,  in  Spight5  of  |  the  51 
Flashes  which  rouse  her6  now  and  then,  is,  that  Homer  interesses7 
us  for  none  of  his  Heroes.  Achilles  is  too  boisterous  to  inspire 
us  with  a  tender  Concern  for  him.  And  suppose  his  very  Fierce 
ness  could  extort  from  us  that  favourable  Disposition  which  the 
over-powering  Idea  of  Valour  generally  forces  us  into,  his  long 
Idleness  wears  away  the  Thought  of  him,  and  as  the  Poet  lays 
him  aside,  so  does  the  Reader. 

1  Cf .   La  Motte,   Discours,  p.  cxxxvii:    "  II  y  a  au  contraire  des   Lecteurs 
degoutez,  qui  trop  plains  de  nos  usages,  &  de  nos  gouts,  ne  sgauroient  se  trans 
porter  a  des  terns  si  diff6rents  des  notres." 

2  1728  raised. 

3  Lodovico  Ariosto,  1474-1533,  Orlando  Furioso,  1532. 

4  1728  Languor. 

5  1728  Spite. 

6 1728  it.  Cf.  Errata,  p.  79,  ante. 
7  1731  interests. 


92  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Menelaus,  who  is  the  only  Occasion  of  the  War,  and  in  whom 
of  Course  our  Affections  ought  to  center,  is  very  far  from  being  a 
shining  Character.  Paris,  his  Rival,  excites  our  Contempt. 
Menelaus  is  in  the  Poem,  but  the  Brother  of  Agamemnon,  and 
Paris  the  Brother  of  Hector.  Agamemnon,  King  of  Kings,  shocks 
us  with  his  Pride,  without  giving  us  any  great  Idea  of  his  Con 
duct.  I  do  not  know  how  it  comes  to  pass,  but  every  Reader 
bears  secretly  an  ill  Will  to  the  wise  Ulysses.  The  fair  Helena, 
the  Cause  of  so  great  Mischiefs,  is  insignificant  enough.  No 
body  cares  whose  Share  she  will  fall  to,  since  she  seems  herself 
indifferent  between  her  two  Husbands. 

When  two  Warriors  fight  in  the  Iliad,  we  are  aw'd1  indeed 
52  with  the  Description,  nay  often  transported  with  their  |  Fury, 
but  we  feel  neither  Hope  nor  Fear  for  any  of  them. 

We  are  like  Juno  in  the  JEneid,  Tros  rutulus  ve  fuat,  nullo 
discrimine  habebo.2 

We  pity  indeed  the  Misfortunes  of  Priam,  nor  will  I  quarrel 
with  the  Tears  that  we  give  to  his  Afflictions.  I  wish  only  that 
Homer  would  have  interested  us  for  the  Greeks,  throughout  all 
the  Poem,  since  he  intends  to  praise  them,  and  since  they  are 
the  Heroes  of  the  Poem;  but  I'll  go  no  further  than  to  observe, 
that  if  we  are  mov'd3  with  the  Sorrow  of  Priam,  at  the  very 
End  of  the  Poem,  we  are  indifferent  towards  him  in  the  Course 
of  the  Action. 

Of  all  the  Warriors,  the  couragious,4  the  tender,  and  the  pious 
Hector,  deserves  most  our  Affections.  He  hath  the  best  Char 
acter,  though  he  defends  the  wrong  Cause;  and  he  is  betray'd 
by  the  Gods,  though  he  has  so  much  Virtue. 

But  our  Concern  for  him  is  lost,  in  the  Crowd  of  so  many 
Heroes.  Our  Attention  is  divided  and  lessen'd,  like  a  Stream 
cut  into  many  Rivulets. 

Thus  the  Reader's  Imagination  is  often  fill'd5  with  great  and 

53 noble  Ideas,  while  the  Affections  of  the  Soul  stag|nate;  and  if 

in  any  long  Work  whatever,  the  Motions  of  the  Heart  do  not 

keep  Pace  with  the  Pleasures  of  the  Fancy,  'tis  no  Wonder  if  we 

may  at  once  admire  and  be  tir'd. 

1 1728  awed. 
2  Aeneid,  X,  1.  108. 
3 1728  moved. 
4 1728  courageous. 
5 1728  filled. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  93 

If  all  these  Reasons  are  contested  (for  what  Assertion  of  our 
Minds  is  undisputable  ?)  I  must  add  a  further  Observation,  which 
is  a  Matter  of  Fact  out  of  the  Reach  of  Dispute.  Many  of  the 
Books  of  the  Iliad  are  independent  from  one  another;  they  might 
be  transpos'd  without  any  great  Alteration  in  the  Action.  And 
perhaps,  for  that  Reason,  they  were  calPd  Rapsodies.  I  leave 
to  the  Judgement  of  the  Reader,  if  such  a  work,  let  it  be  never 
so  well  written,  never  so  teeming  with  Beauties  (can  be  inter 
esting)  and  win  our  Attention.1 

VIRGIL.  * 

Mr.  Addison  was  the  first  who  considered  in  their  proper  View 
the  Materials  which  compos'd  the  Structure  of  the  jflneid.3 

It  is  certain  Virgil  fram'd  his  Poem  out  of  many  Fables  con 
cerning  the  Settlement  of  Mneas  in  Italy,  handed  down  to  his 
Time,  which  were  credited  by  the  People,  with  a  Kind  of  super 
stitious  Belief.4 

|  In  the  like  Manner,  it  is  probable,  Homer  founded  his  Iliad,  54 
upon  the  Tradition  of  the  Trojan  War. 

For  to  believe  Homer  and  Virgil  submitted  before-hand,  to 
the  Rules  laid  down  by  Le  Bossu,  who  bids  an  Epick  Poet  invent, 
and  dispose  the  Constitution  of  his  Fable,  before  he  thinks  of  the 

1  Rolli  reproaches  Voltaire  with  having  "so  ill-used"  Homer  (Remarks,   p.  37)- 
Cf.  Marais,  Journal,  III,  p.  554,  ed.  Lescure,    quoted  by  Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  160> 
note:  "Voltaire  a  fait  en  anglais  un  Essai  sur  le   poeme  epique;  il  est  traduit 
en  francois;  s'il  ne  parloit  pas  si  mal  d'Homere,  je  trouverois  1'ouvrage  tres 
bon." 

In  view  of  the  tone  of  the  English  chapter,  it  is  interesting  to  notice  a  sen 
tence  occurring  toward  the  end  of  the  French,  p.  319:  "Ceux  qui  ne  peuvent 
pardonner  les  fautes  d'Homere  en  faveur  de  ses  beautes,  sont  la  plupart  des 
esprits  trop  philosophiques,  qui  ont  6touffe  en  eux-memes  tout  sentiment." 

2  Cf.   Essai,  p.  320,  Chapitre    III,    Virgile.     The  substance  of  the  English 
chapter  appears  in  the  French  which  is  noticeably  longer.     The  reference  to 
Addison  has  been  omitted  as  have  the  allusions  to  critics  who  have  accused 
Virgil  of  copying  Pisander  and  Apollonius.  Cf.  p.  96,  note  5,  post. 

The  French  chapter  opens  with  a  considerable  amount  of  biographical 
information.  Virgil's  superiority  to  Homer  is  emphasized  and  the  discussion 
of  the  last  six  books  of  the  Aeneid  is  expanded.  In  this  connection  an  interest 
ing  sentence  has  been  added  at  the  end  of  the  chapter,  p.  325:  "  Mais  ma  pre"- 
somption  va  trop  loin,  ce  n'est  point  a  un  jeune  peintre  a  oser  reprendre  les 
defauts  d'un  Raphael;  et  je  ne  puis  pas  dire,  comme  le  Correge:  Son  pittore 
anch'  io." 

3  There  is  nothing  here  to  indicate  that  the  paragraphs  which  follow  are  based 
directly  on  Addison's  work.       Indeed  in  the  French  version,  the  allusion  to 
Addison  is  omitted  while  the  ideas  taken  from  the  Spectator  are  retained. 

4  Addison  in  Spectator,  II,  pp.  519  ff:  "We  find,  however,  that  he  [Virgil] 
has  interwoven,  in  the  course  of  his  Fable,  the  principal  Particulars,  which 
were  generally  believed  among  the  Romans,  of  Aeneas  his  Voyage  and  Settle 
ment  in  Italy." 


94  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Name  of  his  Heroes,  is  not  indeed  natural.1  In  all  likelihood 
they  did  not  cut  the  Coat,  without  knowing  whose  shape  it  could 
fit.  Such  a  Rule  may  be  observ'd2  in  Comedy,  which  deals 
cheifly  in  the  Exposition  of  the  Manners,  and  of  the  Ridicule 
of  the  Age;  or  Delights  in  a  Plot,  made  up  of  surprising,3  but 
little  Incidents,  which  never  require  the  Testimony  of  History, 
or  the  Weight  of  any  celebrated  Name. 

But  the  Epick,  as  well  as  the  Tragick  Poets,  generally  pitch 
upon  a  Subject,  and  a  Hero  well  known,  whose  single  Name  must 
strike  the  Reader  with  Awe,  and  command  his  Attention.  They 
adapt  their  Invention  to  the  History,  for  if  one  should  begin  by 
laying  down  a  Fable  intirely  of  his  own  Imagination,  all  the 
Records  in  the  Universe  could  not  afford  him  an  Event,  adequate 
to  his  Plan;  he  must  needs  alter  it.  And  I  cannot  apprehend 
55  why  Mr.  Le  Bossu  \  advises  to  build  what  must  necessarily  be 
destroy'd. 

Whatever  it  be,  Part  of  the  Events  included  in  the  JEneid, 
are  to  be  found  in  Dionysius  Halicarnassus.  He  mentions  with 
Accuracy,  the  Course  of  the  Navigation  of  JEneas.  He  does 
not  omit  the  Fable  of  the  Harpies,  the  Predictions  uttered  by 
Celaeno,  the  eating  up  of  the  Cakes,  &c.4 

As  to  the  Metamorphose  of  the  Ships  into  Nymphs,  if  Diony 
sius  does  not  mention  it,  Virgil  himself  takes  care  to  justify  such 

1  Cf.  Le  Bossu,  II,  p.  36:  "  Le  Poete  doit  feindre  une  action  gen6rale,  .  .  .  il 
doit  ensuite  chercher  dans  1'histoire  ou  dans  les  Fables  connues,  les  noms  de 
quelques  personnes,  a  qui  une  action  pareille  soit  arrivee  veritablement  ou 
vraisemblablement,  et  .  .  .  il  doit  mettre  enfin  son  action  sous  ces  noms. 
Ainsi  elle  sera  feinte  vraisemblablement,  &inventeepar  1'Auteur;  et  elle  paroitra 
prise  dans  1'Histoire  ou  dans  une  Fable  plus  ancienne."  Ibid.,  p.  84:  "Aristote 
ordonne  de  faire  une  action  g6nerale  qui  ne  soit  d'aucun  particulier;  d'imposer 
les  noms  aux  Personnes,  apres  cette  premiere  Fiction  &  de  former  ensuite  les 
Episodes."  Ibid.,  p.  92:  "  II  [Homere]  a  fait  la  Fable  et  le  dessein  de  ses  Poemes 
sans  penser  a  ses  Princes;  et  ensuite  il  leur  a  fait  1'honneur  de  donner  leurs  noms 
aux  He"ros  qu'il  avait  feints."  Cf.  Addison  in  Spectator,  II,  p.  592:  "Though 
I  can  by  no  means  think,  with  the  last  mentioned  French  author  [Le  Bossu], 
that  an  Epick  Writer  first  of  all  pitches  upon  a  certain  Moral,  as  the  Ground- 
Work  and  Foundation  of  his  Poem,  and  afterwards  finds  out  a  Story  to  it." 
Cf.  also  Pope,  ed.  Elwin  and  Courthope,  X,  p.  402,  Receipt  for  making  an  Epic 
Poem,  For  the  Fable.  Voltaire  cannot  fail  to  have  been  acquainted  with  Le 
Bossu's  work  before  coming  to  England. 

2 1728  observed. 

3 1728  surprizing. 

4  Cf.  Addison  in  Spectator,  II,  p.  520:  "  The  Reader  may  find  an  Abridgement 
of  the  whole  Story  as  collected  out  of  the  ancient  Historians,  and  as  it  was  re 
ceived  among  the  Romans,  in  Dionysius  Halicarnasseus  .  .  .  The  Historian 
above  mentioned  acquaints  us,  a  Prophetess  had  foretold  Aeneas  that  he  should 
take  his  Voyage  Westward,  till  his  Companions  should  eat  their  Tables." 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  95 

an  Absurdity,  by   telling  us,  that  it  was  an   ancient1  Tradition; 
Prisca  fides  facto,  sed  farna  perennis.* 

It  seems  that  Virgil,  asham'd  of  such  a  fairy  Tale,  hath  a  Mind 
to  excuse  it  by  the  common  Belief.3 

Many  passages  of  Virgil  considered  in  this  View,  are  intirely 
vindicated  against  his  Criticks,  whose  good  Sense  was  misled  in 
that  Particular  by  their  Inattention.4 

If  an  Author  among  the  French,  attempts  a  Poem  on  Clovis,* 
he  is  allow'd  to  speak  of  the  Holy  Vial,  brought  down  from  Heaven, 
in  the  Bill  of  a  Dove,  into  the  Church  of  Rheims,  for  the  Corona 
tion  of  the  King.6  If  an  English  Wrijter  takes  King  Arthur  for 56 
his  Subject,  he  may  without  Censure  bring  in  the  Incantations 
of  Merlin,  it  being  the  Fate  of  all  those  antient  Fables,  which 
the  Beginning  of  every  Nation  is  involv'd  in,  to  be  rever'd  for 
their  Antiquity,  when  they  are  laugh'd  at  for  their  Absurdity; 
but  upon  the  Whole,  it  would  be  better  to  omit  them,  though 
we  are  allow'd  to  mention  them;  for  a  single  Reader  of  Sense, 
who  will  be  shock'd  at  such  Stories,  deserves  more  Respect,  than 
the  Crowd  which  gives  them  Credit. 

As  to  the  Construction  of  his  Fable,  he  is  accus'd  by  some, 
and  commended  by  others,  for  having  follow'd  Homer  closely; 
but  if  I  dare  speak  my  Opinion,  he  deserves  neither  such  an 
Injury,  nor  such  a  Compliment.7  He  could  not  avoid  introduc- 

1  1728  antient. 

2  Aeneid,  IX,  1.  79. 

3  Cf .  Addison  in  Spectator,  II,  p.  521:    "  I  am  apt  to  think  that  the  changing 
of  the  Trojan  Fleet  into  Water-Nymphs,  which  is  the  most  violent  Machine 
in  the  whole  Aeneid,  and  has  given  offence  to  several  Criticks,  may  be  accounted 
for  the  same  way.     Virgil  himself,  before  he  begins  that  Relation,  premises, 
that  what  he  was  going  to  tell  appeared  incredible,  but  that  it  was  justified 
by  Tradition." 

4  Cf.  ibid:  "None  of  the  Criticks  I  have  met  with  having  considered  the  Fable 
of  the  Aeneid  in  this  Light,  and  taken  notice  how  the  Tradition,  on  which  it  was 
founded,  authorizes  those  Parts  in  it  which  appear  the  most  exceptionable  ..." 

Voltaire's  sentence  is  not  clear  until  one  reads  Addison's.  The  phrase 
"considered  in  this  View,"  one  of  those  which  makes  for  vagueness  since  there 
is  nothing  to  which  it  can  refer  directly,  corresponds  to  Addison's  "considered 
.  .  .  in  this  Light."  Cf.  Essai,  pp.  322-323:  "Si  on  considerait  dans  cette 
vue  plusieurs  en  droits  de  Virgile  qui  choquent  au  premier  coup  d'oeil,  on  serait 
moins  prompt  a  le  condamner." 

8  Jean  Desmarets,  sieur  de  Saint  Sorlin,  was  the  author  of  an  epic  poem  called 
Clovis  ou  la  France  chretienne,  1654-57,  while  another  epic  likewise  called  Clovis 
and  never  finished  appeared  in  1725,  the  work  of  Ignace  Francois  Saint-Didier. 

6  This  passage,  dropped  by  Desfontaines  and  restored  by  Voltaire  when  he 
reprinted  the  Abbe's  translation  in  1732,  also  found  a  place  in  the  French  version 
of  1733.     His  persistency  in  mentioning  among  absurd  fables  a  legend  of  the 
church  is  characteristic  of  Voltaire. 

7  The  form  of  this  sentence  seems  a  reminiscence  of  Racine's:    "Ni  cet   exces 
d'honneur  ni  cette  indigniteY'     Britanicus,  II,  3,  1.  84. 


96  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

ing  the  Gods  of  Homer,  who  were  the  Roman  Gods  too,  nor  talking 
of  the  Siege  of  Troy,  since  SEneas  was  a  Trojan  Hero. 

Those  Things  were  common  to  the  Greek  Author  and  to  him. 
He  draws  his  Richesses  from  the  same  Source,  but  not  at  the 
Expence  of  his  Predecessor. 

Virgil,  'tis1  true,  hath  translated  some  Passages  of  the  Iliad 
and  of  the  Odissey;  he  hath  borrow'd  some  little  Descriptions, 
57  some  obvious  Similes,  which  surejly  his  great  Genius  did  not 
want,  by  which  but  a  little  Glory  could  acrue2  to  him,  and  which 
are  rather  an  Honour  paid  by  him  to  Homer,  than  a  Proof  of  his 
standing  in  Need  of  Help. 

'Tis1  pleasant  to  see  how  some  Criticks  have  triumph'd  in 
the  Discovery  of  those  Trifles.  Those  who  take  up  Arms  for 
Homer,  against  Virgil,  and  who  sacrifice  the  Pleasure  of  being 
pleas'd  with  both,  to  the  chimerical  Fancy  of  raising  the  Glory 
of  the  one,  at  the  Expence  of  the  other,  pretend  that  Dido  is  the 
Copy  of  Calipso.  That  JEneas  is  sent  to  the  Shades  after  Ulysses, 
and  the  like.3  Let  the  Readers  compare  those  pretended  Copies 
with  the  suppos'd  Original,  they  will  find  a  wonderful  Difference. 

The  Passion  of  Dido,  her  Misfortune,  her  Death,  brought  in 
as  the  Cause  of  that  everlasting  Hatred  between  Carthage  and 
Rome;  and  Anchises  calling  forth  from  the  Womb  of  Time,  the 
Fate  of  the  Roman  Empire,  all  these  Beauties  are  not  certainly 
owing  to  Homer. 

It  is  not  in  the  Nature  of  a  Genius,  to  be  a  Copist.     Wherever 

Virgil  is  great,  he  is  himself;  but  in  those  little  Passages  borrow'd 

from  Homer,  he  commonly  falls  short  of  the  Original;  and  'tis  a 

5gjust  Punishment  for  having  clogg'd  the  |  Liberty  of  his  Genius, 

with  the  Fetters  of  Imitation.4 

Some  Criticks  proceed  further,  they  tell  us,  Virgil  has  copied 
his  second  Book  from  Pisander,  and  the  fourth  after  Apollonius.6 

1 1760  it  is. 
2 1728  accrue. 

3  Cf .  Pope,  Iliad,  preface,  p.  4:     "  If  Ulysses  visit  the  shades,  the  Aeneas  of 
Virgil,  and  Scipio  of  Silius,  are  sent  after  him." 

4  Certain  passages  from  the  Spectator  and  from  Pope's  preface  form  an  inter 
esting  contrast  to  Voltaire's  opinion  concerning  Virgil's  debt  to  Homer.     Cf. 
Addison  in  Spectator,  II,  p.  255:     "  [Virgil]  seldom  elevates  and  transports  us 
where  he  does  not  fetch  his  Hints  from  Homer."    Ibid.,  p.  478:     "  There  are 
a  thousand  shining  Passages  in  Virgil,  which  have  been  lighted  up  by  Homer." 
Cf.  Pope,  Iliad,  preface,  p.  5:     "And  it  is  evident  of  Virgil  especially,  that  he 
has  scarce  any  comparisons  which  are  not  drawn  from  his  master." 

6  Pisander,  poet  of  Camirus  in  Rhodes,  flourished  about  B.  C.  650,  author 
of  the  Heradea.  Apollonius  Rhodius,  flourished  B.  C.  222-181,  author  of  the 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  97 

If  he  has  stolen  from  them,  then  hath  he  not  robb'd  Homer, 
But  all  that  ought  to  be  flatly  deny'd;  and  the  only  Answer  which 
is  to  be  made  to  such  Discoveries,  is,  that  the  second  and  fourth 
Book  of  Virgil,  are  too  great  Master-Pieces  of  Art  to  be  but  Copies. 

'Tis  just  as  some  People  say  Milton  hath  stolen  his  Poem  from 
an  Italian  Stroller  calPd  Andreino.1 

And  after  all,  what  avails  such  a  trifling  Enquiry  ?  'Tis  not 
the  Person  of  Virgil,  'tis  the  Mneid  which  we  admire;  let  the 
second  and  the  fourth  Book  belong  to  Pisander,  to  Apollonius,  or 
to  Virgil,  or  to  any-body  else,  the  Name  of  the  Author  does  not 
alter  the  Beauties  of  the  Book.  Let  Macrobius2  and  the  other 
Criticks,  detract  from  the  six  Letters  which  make  up  the  Name 
of  Virgil,  his  Works  will  nevertheless  be  the  Delight  of  all  Ages, 
and  the  Pattern  of  all  Poets. 


Argonautica.  Cf.  Pope,  Iliad,  preface,  p.  4:  "  Thus  the  story  of  Sinon,  and 
the  taking  of  Troy  was  copied  (says  Macrobius)  almost  word  for  word  from 
Pisander,  as  the  loves  of  Dido  and  Aeneas  are  taken  from  those  of  Medea  and 
Jason  in  Apollonius,  and  several  others  in  the  same  manner." 

Voltaire's  allusion  to  Apollonius  gave  rise  to  a  discussion,  curious  in  that 
no  one  of  the  three  persons  contributing  to  it  had  ever  seen  the  text  he  was 
discussing.  This  fact  shows  how  soon  the  English  essays  became  rare.  Cf. 
Preface. 

In  1778,  only  fifty  years  after  the  first  edition  of  Voltaire's  essays  had  ap 
peared  and  in  the  very  city  in  which  they  had  been  published,  Edward  Harwood 
printed  the  following  paragraph  in  the  article  Apollonius  Rhodius  in  his  Bio- 
graphia  Classica,  I,  p.  161:  "  It  is  somewhat  remarkable  that  Voltaire  in  one 
of  his  critical  essays,  after  affirming  that  critics  have  generally  been  of  the 
opinion  that  in  the  most  splendid  part  of  the  Aeneid,  the  Intercourse  between 
Dido  and  Aeneas,  the  Roman  Poet  had  largely  borrowed  from  Apollonius  of 
Rhodes  adds,  '  it  is  greatly  to  be  lamented  that  we  have  not  the  Argonautica 
now  remaining  that  by  instituting  a  Collation  we  might  see  how  much  the 
Roman  has  been  indebted  to  the  Grecian  poet.'  "  About  twenty  years  later 
Chardon  de  la  Rochette  (Magasin  Encyclopedique,  1807,  II,  p.  320)  refers  to 
Harwood's  assertion  saying  that  he  was  at  first  inclined  to  believe  it,  although 
such  an  error  regarding  Apollonius,  whose  Argonautica  is  still  preserved,  would 
be  "  peu  excusable  dans  un  disciple  du  Pere  Pore'e."  He  has  not  been  able  to 
procure  a  copy  of  the  English  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  but  since  the  sentence  quoted 
by  Harwood  did  not  occur  in  Desfontaines'  translation  and  was  not  mentioned 
by  Rolli  in  his  criticism  of  the  essay,  la  Rochette  concludes  that  Harwood's 
assertion  must  be  counted  among  the  "  mensonges  imprimis." 

Again,  twenty  years  later,  Beuchot  refers  to  the  matter  in  his  edition  of 
Voltaire,  quoting  from  Harwood  and  from  la  Rochette.  He,  too,  has  not  been 
able  to  consult  the  English  essay  but  the  fact  that  Voltaire's  French  version, 
which  he  evidently  considers  to  be  very  like  the  English  original,  does  not  con 
tain  the  statement  regarding  the  Argonautica  leads  him  to  accept  la  Rochette's 
conclusion.  Cf.  Oeuvres,  Gamier  Freres,  VIII,  p.  304.  A  knowledge  of  the 
English  text,  of  course,  shows  that  this  conclusion  was  correct  but  it  throws 
no  light  upon  the  source  of  Harwood's  "  mensonge." 

1  Cf.  p.   130,    note    2,    post.     This  sentence  does  not  appear  in  the  French 
chapter. 

2  Macrobius,  Latin  grammarian  of  the  fifth  century,  the  author  of  the  Satur- 
nales.     Cf.  Pope,  Iliad,  preface,  p.  4,  cited  above. 


98  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Another  Objection  against  him,  is,  that  he  hath  not  crowded1 
in  his  Poems  so  many  Heroes  as  Homer  hath  done.  That  Ajax, 
59  Diomedes,  Idomeneus,  &c.,  |  are  all  shining  Characters;  whereas 
the  faithful  Achates,  the  strong  Gias,  and  the  magnanimous  Cloan- 
thus,  are  of  no  Manner  of  Use,  and  serve  only  but  to  fill  now  and 
then  the  Gap  of  a  Verse  or  two. 

I  am  apt  to  think,  that  such  an  Objection  turns  a  great  deal 
to  the  Advantage  of  the  MneiA.  Virgil  sung  the  Actions  of 
JEneas,  and  Homer  the  Idleness  of  Achilles. 

The  Greek  Poet  lay  under  the  Necessity  of  supplying  the  Absence 
of  his  first  Hero,  with  some  other  Warriors;  but  what  was  judicious 
in  Homer,  would  have  been  preposterous  in  Virgil:  He  knew  too 
much  of  his  Art,  to  drown  his  principal  Character  in  the  Crowd 
of  many  other  Heroes,  indifferent  to  the  main  Action. 

Thus  he  found  the  Way  to  center  our  Concern  in  Mneas,  he 
interesses  us  for  him,  by  never  losing  Sight  of  him,  while  Homer 
presenting  us  with  the  shifting  Scene  of  so  many  shining  Char 
acters,  interesses  us  for  none. 

Mr.  De  St.  Evremont2  says,  AZneas  is  fitter  to  be  the  Founder 
of  an  Order  of  Monks,  than  of  an  Empire.3  'Tis  true,  JEneas 
hath  the  Misfortune  to  pass  generally  under  the  Notion  of  a 
60 pious  Man,  and  not  a  great  Warrior;  the  |  Fault  is  not  in  Virgil, 
it  lies  in  the  wrong  Notions  which  the  Generality  of  Mankind 
entertains  of  Courage.  Our  Eyes  are  dazzl'd  with  the  boisterous 
Fury  of  a  wild  Hero.  Had  Virgil  been  less  wise,  had  the  Courage 
of  Mneas  been  a  barberous  Rashness,  instead  of  a  sedate,  and 
calmly-daring  Valour,  perhaps  he  might  please  better,  but  surely 
he  would  deserve  it  less. 

It  is  a  just  Criticism  on  Virgil,  that  the  latter  part  of  his  Poem 
is  less  animated  than  the  first,  not  that  the  six  last  Books  are 
intirely  languishing,  but  their  milder  Light  is  overpowered  by  the 
Lustre  of  the  others. 

That  great  Defect  is  owing  to  the  Disposition  of  the  Poem,  and 
to  the  Nature  of  the  Things.  The  Design  of  a  Match  between 
Mneas  and  Lavinia  unknown  and  indifferent  to  each  other,  and 
a  War  rais'd  about  a  Stag  wounded  by  a  young  Boy,  could  not 

1 1728  crouded. 

2  St.  Evremont  was  an  exile  in  England  from  1661  until  the  time  of  his  death 
in  1703. 

3  Cf .   Lucan's   Pharsalia,   translated  by   Nicholas   Rowe,   preface,   p.   xxxiii: 
"In  short,  it's  St.  Evremont's  Opinion,  he  [Aeneas]  was  fitter  to  make  a  Founder 

of  an  Order  than  a  State." 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  99 

indeed  command  our  Concern  as  well  as  the  burning  of   Troy, 
and  the  Love  of  Dido. 

'Tis  a  great  Mistake  to  believe  an  Author  can  soar,  when  the 
Subject  sinks.  All  the  Art  he  employs,  shows1  only  that  he 
till'd  with  Labour  and  Skill  an  ungrateful  Soil.  If  the  natural 
Chain  of  Events  in  the  JEneid  could  have  allow'd  Virgil  to  rise 
by  Degrees  in  point  of  Sen|timents  and  Grandeur;  his  Poem  had 61 
been  as  unexceptionable  as  the  Bounds  of  human  Talent2  will 
permit.3  In  short  his  Fault  lies  in  having  reach'd  to  the  utmost 
Pitch  of  the  Art4  in  the  middle  of  his  Course. 

LUCAN.5 

After  we  have  lifted  up  our  Ejres  toward  Virgil,  and  Homer, 
we  need  not  look  down  on  the  other  Roman  Authors  who  have 
been  stumbling  in  the  same  Carrier.6  Let  us  lay  aside  their  mean 
and  monstrous  Mimicks,  Statins,7  and  Silius  Italicus;*  but  we 
ought  not  to  overlook  Lucan,  who  took  entirely  a  new  Course, 
and  whose  free  Genius  borrow'd  neither  its  Beauties,  nor  its  Faults. 

He  was  of  an  ancient9  equestrian  Family,  born  at  Cordova 
in  Spain  under  Caligula;10  he  was  brought  to  Rome  when  Eight 
Month's  old,  and  educated  there,  under  the  Influence  of  his  Uncle 
Seneca,  with  the  nice  Care  that  his  Birth,  his  opulent  Fortune,11 
and  especially  the  Pregnancy  of  his  early  Genius  deserved.  I 
mention  this,  only  to  silence  those  Criticks  who  have  call'd  in 
question  the  Purity  of  his  Language;  they  took  him  for  a  Spaniard, 
who  wrote  Roman  Verses;  and  prepossessed12  with  that  Notion, 

1  1728  shews. 

2  1728  Talents. 

3  This  sentence  does  not  appear  in  the  French  but  on  the  other  hand  the 
Aeneid  is  spoken  of  as  "  le  plus  beau  monument  qui  nous  reste  de  toute  1'anti- 
quite1."     Essai,  p.  322. 

4  Cf.  p.  90,  note  2,  ante. 

5  M.  Annaeus  Lucanus,  A.  D.  39-65,  author  of  the   Pharsalia.     Cf.   Essai, 
p.  326,  Chapitre  IV,  Lucain.     The  French  chapter  is  slightly  longer  than  the 
English  but  is  in  no  way  radically  different  from  it. 

6  1728  Career. 

7  P.  Papinius  Statius,  about  A.  D.  61-96,  author  of  the  Thebaid. 

8  Silius  Italicus,  about  A.  D.  25-100,  author  of  the  Punica. 

9  1728  antient. 

10  Cf.  Rowe,  Pharsalia,  preface,  p.  iii:     "  Lucan  was  of  an  Equestrian  Family 
of   Rome,  born  at  Corduba  in  Spain,  ...  in    the    Reign  of  Caligula."     This 
preface  appears  to  be  the  source  of  various  ideas  expressed  by  Voltaire  in  his 
chapter  on  Lucan  as  well  as  of  his  phraseology  in  several  cases. 

11  Ibid.,  p.  v:     "  Thus  he  set  out  in  the  World,  with  the  greatest  Advantages 
possible,  a  Noble  Birth,  an  Opulent  Fortune  .  .  .      the  .  .  .  Protection  of  an 
Uncle,  who  .  .  .was  Favorite  ...  to  the  Emperor." 

12  1728  prepossessed. 


100  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

62  they    fancied    they    discovered1  in  his    Language   |   some  Faults 
which  do  not  really  exist;  and  which  if  they  did  exist,  could  not 
be  perceiv'd  by  any  Modern. 

He  was  at  first  a  Favourite  to  Nero,2  till  he  had  the  noble 
Imprudence  to  contend  with  him  for  the  Prize  of  Poetry,3  and 
the  dangerous  Honour  of  carrying  it. 

He  praised  that  Emperour  in  his  Pharsalia,  while  Nero  was 
yet  the  Delight  of  the  Empire;  he  conspir'd4  against  him  when 
the  Emperor  became  a  Tyrant.  All  the  World  knows  he  was 
sentenced  to  die,  and  the  Choice  of  the  manner  of  his  Death  being 
left  to  him,  he  chose  to  have  the  Veins  of  his  Arms  and  Legs 
open'd  in  a  hot  Bath;  and  dy'd5  with  that  Tranquillity,  which 
in  those  Moments  is  the  true  greatness  of  Soul.6 

He  was  not  the  first  who  thought  a  recent  History  the  proper 
subject  of  an  Epick  Poem,  for  Varius  7  had  ventur'd  before  him 
(and  with  Success)  on  such  a  dangerous  Undertaking. 

The  Proximity  of  the  Times  and  the  Notoriety  of  the  Events 
which  he  took  for  his  Theme,  were  certainly  a  great  Clog  to  his 
Poetical  Invention,  (if  he  had  any). 

The  greater  his  Subject  was,  the  greater  the  Difficulty.     Cesar 

63  and   Pompey   were   no   doubt   Men   of   higher   Importance   than 
Agamemnon,  or   dEneas;    and    the   War  wag'd8  before  the  Walls 
of  Troy,  and  before  Latium,  were  but  Frays  of  Children  in  com 
parison  of  the   Roman  Civil  War  in  which  the  greatest  Men  of 
Rome  fought  for  the  Empire  of  the  World.9 

Lucan  could  hardly  give  any  Scope  to  his  Imagination  on  a 
Subject  so  well  known,  and  with  more  Difficulty  come  up  to  its 
Grandeur.10  On  these  Accounts  the  frame  of  his  Poem  is  dry 

1  1728  discovered. 

2Cf.  p.  99,  note  11,  ante. 

3  Rowe,  pp.  yiii-ix:     "Lucan  .  .  .  had  the  Imprudence  to  dispute  the  Prize 
of  Eloquence  with  Nero  .  .  ." 

4  1728  conspired. 
5 1728  died. 

8  Rowe,  p.  xi:  "Lucan  had  the  Choice  of  the  Manner  of  his  Death,"  and 
p.  xii:  "  having  chose  to  have  the  Arteries  of  his  Arms  and  Legs  open'd  in  a 
hot  Bath  .  .  .  then  taking  leave  of  them  with  the  greatest  Tranquillity  of 
Mind." 

7  L.  V.  Varius  Rufus,  epic  poet  of  the  Augustan  age. 

8  1728  waged. 

9  These  words  have  been  rendered  in  the  French  (Essai,  p.  327):     "  L'empire 
de  la  moitie  du  monde  connu."     Cf.  p.  153,  note  1,  post. 

10  Cf.  Le  Bossu,  II,  p.  14:     "Cette  seconde  raison  exclut  encore  du  nombre 
des  Epopees  une  Morale  6crite  en  vers,  une  simple  Histoire  comme  la  Pharsale 
de  Lucain." 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  101 

and  tedious,  because  he  dares  not  deviate  from  the  History;  and 
his  Stile  swells  too  often  into  Fustian,  when  he  endeavours  to 
raise  it  to  the  Actions  of  his  Heroes. 

So  Mneas  and  Achilles,  who  were  inconsiderable  in  them 
selves,  are  for  ever  great  in  Homer  and  Virgil.  While  Cesar  and 
Pompey  sink  under  the  Bombast  of  Lucan.  "Pis  a  great  Pity 
that  the  Pictures  of  his  Heroes  being  drawn  with  such  masterly 
Strokes,  their  Actions  are  so  little  affecting. 

Nothing  is  more  beautiful  than  the  Character  of  Cato,  of  Cesar 
and  of  Pompey,  but  nothing  more  languishing  than  the  part  which 
they  act.  Lucan  with  all  the  force  of  his  Painting,1  with  his 
Grandeur,  with  his  Wit,  with  his  political  Notions  is  but  a  de 
clamatory  Gazejteer:2  Sublime  here  and  there,  faulty  through  64 
all  the  Work. 

He  is  to  be  commended  for  having  laid  the  Gods  aside,  as  much 
as  Homer  and  Virgil  for  having  made  use  of  that  Machinery.3 
Those  Fables  were  adapted  to  the  dark  fabulous  Ages  in  which 
Priam  and  Latinus  liv'd,4  but  no  Way  suitable  to  the  Wars  of 
Rome.  What  brightens  the  Character  of  Mneas  and  confers  a 
Majesty  on  the  inconsiderable  Beginnings  of  Rome,  would  have 
debas'd6  the  Character  of  Cesar  and  drawn  a  Ridicule  upon  him. 
What  a  poor  Figure  would  that  Conqueror  make  in  the  Field  of 
Pharsalia,  should  he  be  assisted  by  Iris  or  by  Mercury  f 

Methinks  that  shows  evidently  that  the  Intervention  of  the 
Gods  is  not  absolutely  requir'd6  in  an  Epick  Poem.  They  are 
so  far  from  being  necessary,  that  the  best  Passage  of  Lucan  (and 
perhaps  of  all  the  Poets)  is  the  speech  of  Cato  in  the  Ninth  Book,7 
when  he  scorns  to  consult  Jupiter.  'Tis  not  for  want  of  Gods,  but 
for  want  of  managing  with  Art  the  Affairs  of  Men,  that  Lucan 
is  inferior  to  Virgil.3  The  Judgement  of  the  World  is  justly 
passed  upon  him.  He  is  look'd9  upon  as  a  strong  Genius,  tho' 

1  Cf .  Essai,  p.  327:     "  II  n'y  a  dans  son  poeme  aucune  description  brillante 
comme  dans  Homere."     "Force  of  Painting  "  are  the  very  words  used    in  con 
nection  with  Homer  earlier.     Cf.  p.  90,  ante. 

2  1728  Gazetteer. 

3  Cf.  Pope,  Iliad,  preface,  p.  4:     "  It  then  became  as  reasonable  in  the  modern 
poets  to  lay  it  [allegorical  fable]  aside,  as  it  was  in  Homer  to  make  use  of  it." 

4 1728  lived. 
8  1728  debased. 
6 1728  required. 

7  Pharsalia,  IX,  11.  954-1005   (Howe's  translation).     In  the  French  chapter 
Voltaire  quotes  the  passage  in  question  from  Bre"beuf's  translation,   "  malgre 
ses  defauts,"  as  he  tells  us. 

8  Throughout  this  discussion  it  is  clear  that  Voltaire  has  his  own    poem  in 
mind. 

9 1728  looked. 


102  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

not  as  a  good  Poet;  and  the  precious  Stones  which  shine  in  the 
65  |  Pharsalia  (tho'  ill  set),  yet  dazzle  and  shine  in  our  Eyes.  Mon 
sieur  de  Corneille  was  us'd1  to  say,  that  he  was  more  indebted 
to  Lucan  than  to  Virgil.2  Not  that  he  was  so  unjust,  and  of  so 
injudicious  a  Taste  as  to  prefer  the  Pharsalia  to  the  JEneid.  But 
an  Author  who  brings  real  Heroes  upon  the  Stage,  has  but  little 
to  do  with  Poetical  Fictions,  and  will  be  better  help'd  by  the 
vigorous  Thoughts  of  Lucan,  than  by  the  elegant  Narration  of 
Virgil.  Mr.  Addison  borrowed  from  the  Pharsalia  some  Strokes, 
in  the  drawing  of  his  Cato.3  That  Ancient4  Poet  never  received 
a  greater  Honour  then5  when  he  was  imitated  by  Mr.  de  Corneille 
and  by  Mr.  Addison,  two  Men  every  way  superior  to  him.6 

TRISSINO.7 

After  the  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  in  the  West;  several  King 
doms  rose  out  of  its  Ruins,  and  many  Languages  were  form'd 

1 1728  used. 

2  Cf.  Voltaire's  Commentaries  on  Corneille  where  numerous  passages  of  the 
Pharsalia  are  indicated  as  sources.     Oeuvres,  XXXI,  pp.  171  ff. 

3  Cato  (tragedy),  1713.  Cf.  Lanson,  Lettres  phil.,  II,  pp.  84-85:     "  Le  premier 
Anglais  qui  ait  fait  une  piece  raisonnable  &  ecrite  d'un  bout  a  1'autre  avec 
elegance,  est  Fillustre  Mr.  Adisson.     Son  Caton  d'Utique  est  un   chef-d'oeuvre 
pour  la  diction,  *  &  pour  la  beaute  des  vers.  .  .  .  Le  Caton  de  Mr.  Adisson  me 
paroit  le  plus  beau  personnage  qui  soit  sur  aucun  theatre." 

Cf.  Discours  sur  la  tragedie,  Oeuvres,  II,  p.  322:  "Aussi  la  trag^die  de  Caton, 
qui  fait  tant  d'honneur  a  M.  Addison,  votre  successeur  dans  le  ministere,  cette 
tragedie,  la  seule  bien  ecrite  d'un  bout  a  1'autre  chez  votre  nation,  a  ce  que  je 
vous  [Bolingbroke]  ai  entendu  dire  a  vous  meme,  ne  doit  sa  grande  reputation 
qu'a  ses  beaux  vers  .  .  ." 

Cf.  Essai,  p.  317:  "Je  n'ai  jamais  vu  a  Londres  la  salle  de  la  comedie  aussi 
remplie  a  I'Andromaque  de  Racine,  toute  bien  traduite  qu'elle  est  par  Philips, 
ou  au  Caton  d' Addison,  qu'aux  anciennes  pieces  de  Shakespeare." 

4 1728  Antient. 

8 1728  than. 

6  The  indebtedness  of  Addison  to  Lucan  is  not  mentioned  in  the  French, 
nor  is  that  of  Corneille  save  for  an  indirect  allusion.     The  closing  words  of 
the  French  chapter  are  expressive  and  characteristic  of  the  conventional  com 
parisons  mentioned  earlier.     Essai,  p.  329:    "Ce  n'est  presque  plus  [The  Phar 
salia]  qu'une  gazette  pleine  de  declamations:  il  me  semble  que  je  vois  un  por- 
tique  hardi  et  immense  qui  conduit  a  des  ruines." 

7  Giovanni  Georgio  Trissino,   1478-1550,   L'ltalia  liberata  dai  Goti,   1547-48. 
Cf.  Essai,  p.  329,  Chapitre  V,  Le  Trissin.     As  in  the  English,  the  chief  interest 
of  this  chapter  lies  in  the  digressions.     The  brief  pages  concerning  Trissino 
are  much  the  same  in  French  and  in  English  but  the  digressions  are  somewhat 
different.     The  French  chapter  is  rather  shorter  than  the  English.     The  pas 
sage  concerning  the  possible  use  of  Latin  by  modern  writers  has  been  omitted. 
Other  alterations  and  additions  will  be  indicated  in  the  notes. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  103 

out  of  the  remains  of  the  Latin  Tongue.1  The  Northen*  Inva 
ders  brought  everywhere  their  Roughness  and  their  Ignorance. 
Their  Language  made  up  at  first  of  a  corrupted  Latin,  and  of 
irregular  Gotick,3  were4  as  uncouth  as  their  Manners,  and  as 
destitute  of  Words  as  their  Minds  of  Ideas. 5 

| In  the   Course  of  a  thousand   Years,  the  Italian,6  the  French,  66 
the  Spaniards,  refin'd  their  Manners  and  their  Idioms,  and  learn 
ing  spreading  itself  by  Degrees  almost  over  all  Europe,  enlarged 
the  Sphere  of  every  Language. 

Many  Writers  complain  now-a-days,  that  the  Latin  is  us'd7 
only  in  the  Schools,  and  in  the  Romish  Churches;  they  upbraid 
the  Insufficiency  of  modern  Languages;  they  say  that  their  own 
Idioms  sink  under  their  Imagination.  But  they  would  have  more 
to  complain  of,  if  according  to  their  Desires  the  Latin  was  still 
the  Language  of  Europe;  for  in  that  Case,  very  little  Room  would 
be  left  for  their  Labours.  A  Multitude  of  ancient  Authors  more 
generally  read  and  better  understood  would  shut  up  all  the  Ave 
nues  to  the  Ambition  of  the  Modern.  To  imitate  Virgil  or  Tully 
would  be  a  Plagiarism,  to  deviate  from  them,  an  Affectation.  The 
World  overstocked  with  Models  of  Writing  would  discountenance 
any  new  Endeavour,  and  the  greatest  Genius  would  be  discouraged. 

On  the  contrary,  he  who  writes  in  a  modern  Language,  hath 
the  Ancients  for  his  Guides,  not  for  his  Rivals;  when  he  imitates 
them,  he  enriches  his  own  Country;  the  particular  Cast  of  his 
Mother-tongue  awakens  his  Imagination  into  new  Turns,  and 
bestows  an  air  of  Novelty  |  on  some  Conceptions  which  otherwise  67 
would  have  appear'd  too  common.  In  short  every  new  Language 
occasions  some  new  Productions. 

The  Italian  Tongue  was  at  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  Century 
brought  to  the  Perfection  in  which  it  continues  now,  and  in  which 


1  Cf.  English  Review,  Feb.  1914,  p.  318    (Note-book  of  Voltaire) :  "  From  the 
rubishes  of  the  roman  empire  several  kingdoms  are  formed  and  grounded  upon 
its  ruines;  in  the  same  manner,  italian  tongue,  the  french,  the  Spanish  arose 
from  the  ruines  of  the  roman  language." 

2  1728  Northern.     Cf.  Errata,  p.  79,  ante. 
3 1728  Gothick. 

4 1728  was.    Cf.  Errata. 

6  In  the  French  version  (p.  329)  a  sentence  even  more  scornful  with  regard 
to  the  middle  ages,  and  therefore  very  characteristic  of  French  classicism,  has 
been  added:  "Ce  qui  nous  reste  malheureusement  de  1'architecture  et  de  la 
sculpture  de  ces  temps-la  est  un  compose1  bizarre  de  grossierete"  et  de  colifichets. 
Le  peu  qu'on  6crivait  etait  dans  le  meme  gout." 

6 1728  Italians.     Cf.  Errata. 

7 1728  used. 


104  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

it  will  remain  as  long  as  Tasso  in  Poetry,  and  Machiavel  in  Prose 
shall  be  the  Standart1  of  the  Stile.2 

Tasso  was  in  his  Childhood,  when  Trissino  (the  Author  of  the 
first  Tragedy  written  in  a  modern  Language3)  lanch'd4  out 
into  the  attempt  of  an  Epick  Poem.5  His  Subject  was  Italy 
deliver'd  from  the  Goths  by  Belizarius*  under  Justinian.  The 
Subject  was  noble,  the  Performance  was  mean,  but  still  succeeded, 
and  this  Dawning  shone  a  little  in  a  time  of  Darkness,  till  it  was 
absorb'd  in  the  broad  Day  of  Tasso. 

Trissino  was  a  Man  of  great  Parts,  and  of  extensive  Learning, 
he  was  employ'd  by  Leo  the  Tenth  in  many  great  Affairs,  and 
had  succeeded  very  well  in  his  Embassy  to  the  Emperor  Charles 
the  Fifth.  But  at  last  he  sacrificed  his  Ambition,  and  worldly 
Affairs,  to  his  Passion  for  Letters,  which  at  that  Time  were  reputed 
honourable,  because  they  were  newly  reviv'd  in  Europe,  and  in 
68  the  Glojry  of  their  Prime.7  He  was  justly  fond  of  Homer,  and 
yet  his  great  Fault  is  to  have  imitated  him;  for  Imitation  requires 
more  Art  than  is  generally  believed.  The  Flowers  of  the  ancient8 
appear  but  wither'd  when  gather'd  by  unskilful  Hands.9  This  I 
insist  upon,  because  nothing  is  more  common  than  Authors  who 
mangle  Homer  and  Virgil  in  their  own  Productions,  and  screen 
themselves  under  those  great  Names,  without  suspecting  that  the 

1 1728  Standard. 

2  Rolli  (Remarks,  p.  67)  objects  to  this  sentence  and  speaks  of  Dante,  Petrarch 
and  Boccacio,  belonging  to  the  late  thirteenth  and  the  fourteenth  centuries,  as 
the  "  first,  best,  never-interrupted  standards  of  style."     In  the  French  essay 
this  sentence  was  omitted  and  replaced  by  a  paragraph  beginning:    "  La  po6sie 
fut  le  premier  art  qui  fut  cultive  avec  succes.     Dante  et  P4trarque  ecrivirent 
dans  un  temps  ou  Ton  n'avait  pas  encore  un  ouvrage  de  prose  supportable." 
Essai,  p.  £30.     There  follows  a  digression  on  poetry  as  preceding  prose. 

3  Sophinisba  written  1515,  printed  1524. 
4 1728  launch'd. 

6  This  statement  must  be  understood  to  refer  to  the  completion  of  Trissino's 
poem  in  1548.  He  began  the  writing  of  it  in  1527.  Tasso  was  not  born  until 
1544. 

6  Belisarius. 

7  The  respect  due  the  profession  of  letters  was  a  favorite  subject  of  Voltaire's. 
Cf.  Lanson,  Lettres  phil.,  Letter  23. 

In  the  Essai  an  interesting  addition  has  been  made  at  this  point  (p.  330) : 
"  Bien  different  en  cela  de  quelques  hommes  celebres  que  nous  avons  vus  quitter 
et  meme  mepriser  les  lettres,  apres  avoir  fait  fortune  par  elles."  Voltaire  no 
doubt  had  Congreve  in  mind.  Cf.  Lanson,  Lettres  phil.,  II,  p.  108:  "II 
[Congreve]  ayoit  un  defaut,  c'etoit  de  ne  pas  assez  estimer  son  premier  metier 
d'auteur,  qui  avoit  fait  sa  reputation  &  sa  fortune." 

8 1728  Ancients. 

9Cf.  p.  84,  ante.  Cf.  also  Steele  in  Spectator,  III,  p.  119:  "The  Antients 
had  a  Secret  to  give  a  lasting  Beauty,  Colour,  and  Sweetness  to  some  of  their 
choice  Flowers,  which  flourish  to  this  Day,  and  which  few  of  the  Moderns  can 
effect." 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  105 

very  Things  which  are  to  be  admired  in  Virgil,  may  be  ridiculous 
in  them. 

Thus  Trissino,  for  Example,  endeavours  to  imitate  that  beau 
tiful  passage  of  Homer,  where  Juno  having  summon'd  all  her 
Charms,  and  adorn'd  with  the  Girdle  of  Venus,  deludes  her  Husband 
into  an  unusual  Fondness. 

The  Wife  of  Justinian  hath  the  same  Design  upon  her  Hus 
band.  First  she  washes  herself  in  her  fine  Closet,  she  put1  on 
a  clean  Shift,  and  after  the  long  enumerations  of  all  the  Trinkets 
of  her  Toilette,2  she  comes  alone  into  a  little  Garden  where  the 
Emperor  was  sitting  down:  She  coins  a  Lie,3  she  allures  him  by 
some  Coquettries,  and  at  last  the  Emperor — 

Le  Diede  un  Bacio 
Suave;  e,  le  getto  le  braccia  all  collo. 
|E  ella  stette  e  sorridendo  disse.  69 

Signer  mio  dolce  or  che  volete  fare  ? 
Che  se  venisse  alguno  in  questo  luogo 
E  ci  vedesse,  havrei  tanta  vergogna 
Che  piu  non  ardirei  levar  la  fronte; 
Entriamo  nelle  nostre  usate  stanze, 
Chiudamo  li  usci,  e  sopra  il  vostro  letto 
Ponianci,  e  fate  poi,  quel  che  vi  piace. 
L'imperador  rispose;  alma  mia  vita, 
Non  dubitate  dela  vista  altrui : 
Che  qui  non  puo  venir  persona  humana, 
Senon  per  la  mia  Stanza.     E  io  la  chiusi 
Come  qui  venni,  e  ho  la  chiave  a  canto; 
E  penso  che  ancor  vi  chiudeste  Tuscio 
Che  vien  in  esso  dele  Stanze  vostre; 
Perche  giamai  non  lo  lasciaste  aperto: 
E  detto  questo,  subito  abbraciolla; 
Poi  se  colcar  ne  la  minuta  herbetta, 
La  quale  allegra  lii  fioriva  d'intorno,  &c.4 

"  The  Emperor  gave  her  a  Kiss,  and  folded  her  tenderly  in  his 
Arms.  She  paused  a  little,  and  said,  O  my  Sweet  Lord,  what 
will  you  do  !  should  any  body  come  hither  and  spye5  us,  I  could 

1 1728  puts.     Cf.  Errata. 
2 1728  Toilet. 
8 1728  Lye. 

«  Cf.  L'ltalia  liberata  da'  Goti,  Parigi,  1729,  I,  pp.  102-103. 
»1728  spy. 


106  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

never  show  my  Face,  for   Shame.     Let  us  step  into  our  Bed- 
Chamber,  let  us  lock  up  all  the  Doors,  and  when  we  are  together 

70  upon  our  Bed,  you  may  do  with  me  what  you  please.     The  |  Em 
peror  answered,  My  Dear,  my  Soul  !  do  not  lie  under  any  fear 
of  being  discovered:    For  not  one  living  Soul  can  arrive  at  us 
but  through  my  Chamber;  I  took  care  to  shut  the  Door  as  I  came 
hither,  and  I  have  the  Key  in  my  Pocket;  I  suppose  too  you  have 
the  Key  of  the  Back-Door  which  opens  from  your  Apartment 
into  mine,  for  you  never  leave  it  open:  he  said,  and  hugged  her. 
The  tender  Grass  on  which  they  dallied,  rejoiced  at  their  Pleas 
ures,  and  shot  forth  into  tender  Flowers." 

Thus  what  is  beautiful  and  noble  between  Jove  and  Juno,  be 
comes  as  low  and  distasteful  between  the  old  Justinian  and  Theo 
dora;  as  when  among  us  a  Man  and  Wife  caress  one  another  before 
Company. 

Trissino  hath  especially  endeavour 'd  to  follow  Homer  in  the 
Detail  of  the  Descriptions;  but  he  is  very  accurate  in  describing 
the  Furniture  of  the  Houses  of  his  Heroes:  He  does  not  omit  a 
Button,  or  a  Garter  in  their  Dresses;  and  does  not  say  a  Word  of 
their  Characters. 

However,  I  do  not  mention  him  only  to  point  out  his  Faults, 
but  to  give  him  the  just  Praise  he  deserves;  for  having  been  the 

71  first  in   Europe,   who  attempted   |   an    Epick  Poem,  in  a  vulgar 
Tongue,  and  in  blank  Verse;  for  not  having  been  Guilty  of  a  single 
Quibble  in  his  Works,  though  he  was  an  Italian;1  and  for  having 
introduc'd  less  Magicians,  and  fewer  inchanted  Heroes,  than  any 
Author  of  his  Nation. 

CAMOUENS.2 

While  Trissino  was  clearing  away  the  Rubbish  in  Italy,  which 
Barbarity  and  Ignorance  had  heap'd  up  for  ten  Centuries,  in  the 

1  Cf.  Essai,  p.  332:     "  II  est  le  seul  des  poetes  italiens  dans  lequel  il  n'y  ait 
ni  jeux  de  mots  ni  pointes."     Unlike  most  of  the  allusions  to  Italian  taste  and 
Italian  literature  this  one  has  not  become  more  favorable  in  the  French.     Cf. 
also  pp.  109,  note  2;  116,  note  6,  post. 

2  Cf.  Essai,  p.  332,  Chapitre  VI,    Le  Camoens.     This  chapter  is  remarkably 
inaccurate,  showing  a  very  superficial  knowledge  of  the  poem  in  question  and 
no  acquaintance  whatever  with  the  original.     As  it  appeared  in  1733,  the  French 
version  differs  considerably  less  from  the  English  than  does  the  form  in  which 
we  now  know  it,  important  corrections  and  additions  having  been  made  in 
1742.     Cf.    pp.    154-156,    post.     When  this   section  was  put   into   French  the 
allusions  to  Waller  and    Denham    were  omitted.     On   the   other   hand  further 
biographical  information  was  added,  as  was  the  passage  extolling  a  part  of  the 
LiLsiads  sure  to  interest  the  .French  which  is  not  even  mentioned  in  the  Eng- 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  107 

Way  of  the  Arts  and  Sciences,1  Camouens  in  Portugal  steer'd  a 
new  Course,  and  acquir'd  a  Reputation  which  lasts  still  among 
his  Countrymen,  who  pay  as  much  Respect  to  his  Memory,  as 
the  English  to  Milton.2 

He  was  a  strong  instance  of  the  irresistable  Impulse  of  Nature, 
which  determines  a  true  Genius  to  follow  the  Bent  of  his  Talents, 
in  Spight  of  all  the  Obstacles  which  could  check  his  Course. 

His  Infancy  lost  amid  the  Idleness  and  Ignorance  of  the  Court 
of  Lisbon;  his  Youth  spent  in  romantick  Loves,  or  in  the  War 
against  the  Moors;  his  long  Voyages  at  Sea,  in  his  riper  Years; 
his  Misfortunes  at  Court,  the  Revolutions  of  his  Country,  none 
of  all  these  could  suppress  his  Genius. 

Emanuel    the  second    King  of    Portugal,3  \  having  a  mind  to  72 
find  a  new  Way  to  the  East-Indies  by  the  Ocean,4  sent   Velasco 
de  Gama*  with   a   Fleet  in  the  Year  1497,  to  that  Undertaking, 
which    being   new    was  accounted   rash    and   impracticable,    and 
which  of  Course  gain'd  him  a  great  Reputation  when  it  succeeded. 

Camouens  follow'd  Velasco  de  Gama  in  that  dangerous  Voyage, 
led  by  his  Friendship  to  him,  and  by  a  noble  Curiosity,  which 
seldom  fails  to  be  the  Character  of  Men  born  with  a  great  Imagi 
nation.6 


lish — the  episode  of  Inez  de  Castro  (cf.  p.  71,  note  1,  ante).  At  the  end  of  the 
chapter  as  it  now  reads  the  lack  of  connection  between  the  various  parts  of 
the  poem,  a  point  which  had  not  been  touched  upon  in  the  English,  is  called 
the  gravest  defect.  This  passage  was  added  between  1738  and  1742. 

1  The  opening  words  of  the  French  chapter  on  Camoens  are  quite  different 
in  tone:     "  Tandis  que  le  Trissin,  en  Italie,  suivait  d'un  pas  timide  et  faible 
les  traces  des  anciens  .  .  ."  Essai,  p.  332. 

2  Cf .  ibid. :     "  Une  reputation  qui  dure  parmi  ses  compatriotes,  qui  1'appel- 
lent  le  Virgile  porlugais." 

3  There  has  been  no  Emanuel  II  of  Portugal.     It  was  Emanuel  I  (1469-1521) 
who  sent  Vasco  da  Gama  on  his  famous  expedition  in   1497.     Emanuel  the 
second  remains  uncorrected  in  the  English  editions  of  the  essay.     In  the  French 
the  Portuguese  king  is  called  Emmanuel-le-Grand. 

4  A  criticism  from  Mickle's  pen  occurring  at  this  point  seems  far-fetched  and 
is   based   upon   an   unnecessary   interpretation   of   Voltaire's   words.     "  '  That 
Gama  went  a  new  way  to  the  East  Indies  by  the  ocean,'  "  we  read,  "  though 
corrected  in  the  edition  of  1768,  affords  a  most  striking  proof  of  Voltaire's  very 
careless  perusal  of  the  Lusiad,  at  the  time  when  he  first  presumed  to  condemn 
it.     For  it  is  often  repeated  in  the  poem,  there  was  no  way  to  India  by  the  ocean 
before."     Mickle,  p.  607,  note. 

6  This  incorrect  form  appears  in  all  the  English  editions.  The  name  was 
written  Verasco  de  Gama  in  the  French  translation  and  that  spelling  was  not 
corrected  by  Voltaire  when  he  republished  the  translation.  In  the  first  editions 
of  the  French  version  we  find  Velasco  which  was  changed  to  Vasco  between 
1742  and  1746. 

6  Since  the  date  of  Camoens  birth  is  1524,*  this  is  obviously  an  incorrect 
statement.  As  a  matter  of  fact  Camoens'  grandfather  accompanied  da  Gama. 
In  a  comparatively  early  edition  of  the  French  version  Voltaire  acknowledged 


108  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

He  took  his  Voyage  for  the  Subject  of  his  Poem;  he  enjoy'd 
the  sensible  Pleasure,  which  no-body  had  known  before  him,  to 
celebrate  his  Friend,  and  the  Things  which  he  was  an  Eye- Witness 
of.  He  wrote  his  Poem,  Part  on  the  Atlantic  Sea,  and  Part  on 
the  Indian  Shore;  I  ought  not  to  omit,  that  in  a  Shipwrack1 
on  the  Coasts  of  Malabar,*  he  swam  a  Shore,  holding  up  his 
Poem  in  one  Hand,  which  otherwise  had  been  perhaps  lost  for  ever. 

Such  a  new  Subject,  manag'd  by  an  uncommon  Genius,  could 
not  but  produce  a  Sort  of  Epick  Poetry  unheard  of  before. 

There  no  bloody  Wars  are  fought,  no  Heroes  wounded  in  a 
73 thousand  different  Ways;  no  Woman  enticed  away,  and  |  the 
World  overturn'd  for  her  Cause;  no  Empire  founded;  in  short 
nothing  of  what  was  deem'd  before  the  only  Subject  of  Poetry. 

The  Poet  conducts  the  Portugese  Fleet  to  the  Mouth  of  the 
Ganges,3  round  the  Coasts  of  Africk.  He  takes  Notice  in  the 
Way,  of  many  Nations  who  live  upon  the  African  Shore.  He 
interweaves  artfully  the  History  of  Portugal.  The  Simplicity 
of  his  Subject,  is  rais'd  by  some  Fictions  of  different  Kinds,  which 
I  think  not  improper  to  acquaint  the  Reader  with. 

When  the  Fleet  is  sailing  in  the  Sight4  of  the  Cape  of  Good- 
Hope,  calPd  then  the  Cape  of  the  Storms,  a  formidable  Shape 
appears  to  them,  walking  in  the  Depth  of  the  Sea;  his  Head  reaches 

his  mistakef  (PP-  154,  155,  post),  but  in  all  the  French  editions  we  are 
told  that  Camoens  came  to  Lisbon  during  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  Emanuel 
the  Great,  that  is  in  1495  or  1496.  Again,  in  the  French  as  in  the  English, 
Camoens  is  spoken  of  as  a  contemporary  of  Trissino  who  was  born  in  1478  and 
who  died  in  1550,  his  poem  dating  from  1547  and  1548.  (The  Lusiads  was 
published  in  1572  and  Camoens  died  in  1580.)  In  referring  to  the  Portuguese 
poet's  "  noble  curiosity  "  Voltaire  may  have  had  himself  in  mind. 

*  Until  recent  years  authorities  differed  as   to  this  date,  some  giving  1517, 
others  1524. 

f  Mickle  (p.  607,  note)  speaks  of  this  correction  as  dating  from  1768.  As 
a  matter  of  fact  it  had  been  made  over  twenty-five  years  earlier.  It  appears 
that  Mickle  consulted  only  two  editions  of  the  French  version  of  the  Essay, 
that  of  1738  and  that  of  1768,  and  drew  his  conclusions  from  them.  This  critic 
(p.  608,  note)  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  even  in  the  edition  of  1768,  in  an 
essay  called  "  Id6e  de  la  Henriade,"  Voltaire  repeats  the  assertion  that  Camoens 
"  a  c616br6  un  eVenement  dont  il  avait  6t6  t^moin  lui-meme." 

1 1728  Shipwreck. 

2  This  wreck,  that  of  the  annual  ship  from  China  to  India,  occurred,  not  off 
the  coast  of  Malabar,  but  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mekong  or  Cambodia  river  which 
flows  through  southeastern  Asia  into  the  China  Sea.     (Cf.  Mickle,  p.  607,  note.) 
In  the  French  version  of  the  essay  the  disaster  is  spoken  of  as  having  taken 
place  "  sur  les  c6tes  de  la  Chine."     (P.  333.) 

3  As  a  matter  of  fact  Gama's  voyage  did  not  extend  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Ganges  but  only  to  Calicut  on  the  southwest  coast  of  India  (the  coast  of  Mala 
bar).     Cf.   The  Lusiads,  Cantos  VI,  VII,  VIII,  IX  and  X.     Cf.  also  Mickle, 
p.  607,  note. 

*  1728  in  Sight. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  109 

to  the  Clouds,  the  Storms,  the  Winds,  the  Thunders,  and  the 
Lightnings  hang  about  him;  his  Arms  are  extended  over  the 
Waves.  'Tis  the  Guardian  of  that  foreign  Ocean  unplough'd 
before  by  any  Ship.  He  complains  of  his  being  oblig'd  to  sub 
mit  to  Fate,  and  to  the  audacious  Undertaking  of  the  Portugese, 
and  fortels  them  all  the  Misfortunes  which  they  must  undergo 
in  the  Indies.1 

I  believe,  that  such  a  Fiction  would  be  thought  noble  and 
proper,  in  all  Ages,  and  in  all  Nations. 

(There  is  another,  which  perhaps  would  have  pleas'd  the  Italians!^ 
as  well  as  the  Portugese,  but  no  other  Nation  besides:2  It  is  an 
inchanted  Island,  call'd  the  Island  of  Bliss,  which  the  Fleet  finds 
in  her  Way  home,  just  rising  from  the  Sea,  for  their  Comfort 
and  for  their  Reward:  Camouens  describes  that  Place,  as  Tasso 
did  some  Years  after,  his  Island  of  Armida.  There  a  super 
natural  Power,  brings  in  all  the  Beauties,  and  presents  all  the 
Pleasures  which  Nature  can  afford,  and  which  the  Heart  may  wish 
for;  a  Goddess  enamour'd  with  Velasco  de  Gama,  carries  him  to 
the  Top  of  an  high  Mountain,  from  whence  she  shows  him  all 
the  Kingdoms  of  the  Earth,  and  foretells3  the  Fate  of  Portugal. 

After  Camouens  hath  given  loose4  to  his  Fancy,  in  the  lasciv 
ious  Description  of  the  Pleasures  which  Gama  and  his  Crew  enjoy'd 
in  the  Island,  he  takes  care  to  inform  the  Reader,  that  he  ought 
to  understand  by  this  Fiction,  nothing  but  the  Satisfaction  which 
the  virtuous  Man  feels,  and  the  Glory  which  accrues  to  him  by 
the  Practice  of  Virtue;  but  the  best  Excuse  for  such  an  Invention, 
is,  the  charming  Stile  in  which  it  is  deliver'd  (if  we  believe  the 
Portugese)  for  the  Beauty  of  the  Elocution  makes  sometimes 
amends  for  the  Faults  of  the  Poets,6  |  as  the  colouring  of  Rubens  75 
make  Defects  in  his  Figures  pass  unregarded. 

There  is  another  Kind  of  Machinery  continued  throughout  all 
the  Poem,  which  nothing  can  excuse,  in  any  Country  whatever; 
'tis  an  unjudicious6  mixture  of  the  Heathen  Gods  with  our  Reli- 


1  This  rather  picturesque  description  of  the  phantom  which  appeared  to  the 
Portuguese  is  far  from  following  the  original  closely.     Cf.  The  Lusiads,  Canto 
V  and  Mickle,  p.  617,  note. 

2  In  the  French,  Voltaire  still  considers  this  Fiction  "conforme  au  ge"nie  italien." 
3 1728  foretels. 

4 1728  hath  given  a  loose  to.     Cf.  Spectator,  II,  p.  434:    "...  have  given 
a  Loose  to  their  Imaginations." 
5 1728  Poet. 
6 1728  injudicious. 


110  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

gion.  Gama  in  a  Storm  addresses  his  Prayers  to  the  Christ,1 
but  'tis  Venus  who  comes  to  his  Relief;  the  Heroes  are  Christians, 
and  the  Poet  Heathen.  The  main  Design  which  the  Portugese 
are  suppos'd  to  have  (next  to  the  promoting  of  their  Trade)  is 
to  propogate  Christianity;  yet  Jupiter,  Bacchus,  and  Venus,  have 
in  their  Hands,  all  the  Management  of  the  Voyage.  So  incon 
gruous  a  Machinery,  casts  a  Blemish  upon  the  whole  Poem;  yet 
shows  at  the  same  Time,  how  prevailing  are  its  Beauties,  since 
the  Portugese  like  it  with  all  its  faults.2 

Camouens  hath  a  great  deal  of  true  Wit,  and  not  a  little  Share 
of  false;  his  Imagination  hurries  him  into  great  Absurdities.  I 

1  1728  to  Christ.     Cf.  Errata,  p.  79,  ante. 

2  Cf.  Rapin,  Reflexions  sur  la  poetique,  p.  100:    "  Le  Camoens  qui  parle  sans 
discretion  de  Venus,  de  Bacchus  &  des  autres  divinites  profanes  dans  un  poeme 
Chretien." 

Voltaire  no  doubt  felt  that  his  repeated  criticism  of  the  mixture  of  heathen 
and  Christian  ideas  emphasized  a  good  point  of  his  own  poem  in  which  he  was 
proud  to  have  "laid  aside  the  gods  of  antiquity."  Rolli's  opinion  in  regard 
to  this  point  is  interesting.  Remarking  that  the  mixture  of  pagan  and  Christian 
ideas  is  "granted  by  custom  to  all  great  poets"  he  goes  on:  "It  is  indeed  the 
first  time  I  have  heard  a  Poet,  who  out  of  Eagerness  of  disparaging  the  greatest 
Poets,  would  destroy  all  Poetical  Licences  &  even  the  most  allowed  which 
are  the  greatest  Beauties  of  Poetry  and  then  to  be  guilty  himself  of  what  he 
blamed  others  for."  Remarks,  p.  92.  "  It  is  singular  to  see  in  Voltaire  Lewdness, 
Religion,  Discord,  Love,  Pope,  Prophecy,  Witchcraft,  Inquisition,  Heaven  and 
Hell  .  .  .  Saints  &  Visions  heaped  together."  Ibid.,  p.  85. 

In  regard  to  the  sentence:  "  '  Gama  in  a  storm  addresses  his  prayers  to  Christ, 
but  it  is  Venus  who  comes  to  his  relief,'  "  Mickle  attempts  to  break  down  this 
criticism  of  Voltaire's  by  saying  "but  there  is  no  such  passage  in  the  Lusiad" 
(p.  609),  basing  his  assertion  apparently  on  the  fact  that  the  name  of  Christ  does 
not  appear  in  the  Portuguese.  He  himself,  however,  translates  certain  lines 
of  the  passage  in  question  as  follows: 

"  '  Oh  Thou! '  he  cries  'whom  trembling  Heaven  obeys, 
Whose  will  the  tempest's  furious  madness  sways, 
Who,  through  the  wild  waves,  ledds't  thy  chosen  race, 
While  the  high  billows  stood  like  walls  of  brass: 


Oh!  save  us  now,  be  now  the  Saviour  God!  ' 
Pp.  697-698,  11.  647  ff. 

It  matters  little  whether  this  prayer,  which  is  followed  by  the  intervention 
of  Venus,  was  addressed  to  God  or  Christ.  The  incongruity  remains  the  same. 
Like  Rolli,  Mickle  sees  in  the  Henriade  a  mixture  of  Christian  ideas  and  of  alle 
gorical  characters  created  in  imitation  of  heathen  machinery  (p.  615).  As 
regards  the  general  acceptance  of  Voltaire's  estimate  of  Camoens,  Mickle  says 
(p.  607) :  "  Yet  this  criticism,  though  most  superficial  and  erroneous,  has  been 
generally  esteemed  throughout  Europe,  as  the  true  character  of  that  poem." 
And  indeed  in  many  encyclopedia  articles,  reference  is  still  made  to  Voltaire's 
criticism  of  the  Portuguese  poet. 

In  this  connection  there  occurs  in  the  French  a  sentence  indicative  of  Vol 
taire's  feeling  for  local-color,  corresponding  to  one  found  elsewhere  in  the  English 
essay  but  suppressed  at  that  point  in  the  French:  "De  meme  que  les  beautes  de 
1' execution  ont  place  Paul  Veronese  parmi  les  grands  peintres,  quoiqu'il  ait 
plac6  des  peres  ben^dictins  et  des  soldats  suisses  dans  des  sujets  de  I'Ancien- 
Testament."  Essai,  p.  335.  Cf.  p.  123,  note  4,  post. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  111 

remember,1  that  after  Velasco  de  Gama,  hath  related  his  Adven 
tures  to  the  King  of  Melinda,  now  says  he,  O  King,  judge  if  Ulysses, 
and  Aeneas  have  travell'd  so  far,  and  undergone  so  many  Hardships.  76 
As  if  that  barberous  African,  was  acquainted  with  Homer  and 
Virgil.2 

His  Poem,  in  my  Opinion,  is  full  of  numberless  Faults  and 
Beauties,  thick  sown  near  one  another;  and  almost  in  every  Page 
there  is  what  to  laugh  at,  and  what  to  be  delighted  with.  Among 
his  most  lucky  Thoughts,  I  must  take  Notice  of  two  for  the  Like 
ness,  which  they  bear  to  two  most  celebrated  Passages  of  Waller 
and  Sir  John  Denham.3  Waller  says,  in  his  Epistle  to  Zelinda; 

Thy  matchless  Form  will  Credit  bring, 
To  all  the  Wonders  I  can  sing.4 

Camouens  says,  in  speaking  of  the  Voyages  of  the  Argonautes, 
and  of  Ulysses,  that  the  Undertaking  of  the  Portugese  shall  give 
Credit  to  all  those  Fables,  in  surpassing  them. 

Sir  John  Denham,  in  his  Poem  on  Coopers-Hill,  says  to  the 
Thames : 

0  could  I  flow  like  thee,  and  make  thy  Stream, 

My  great  Example,  as  it  is  my  Theme; 

Tlno1  deep,  yet  clear,  tho'  gentle,  yet  not  dull, 

Strong  without  Rage,  without  overflowing  full.6 

Camouens  addresses  the  Nymphs  of  Tagus  in  the  like  Manner; 
"O  Nymphs,  if  ever  I  sung  of  you,  inspire  me  now  |  with  new  77 

1  This  word  is  interesting  in  the  light  of  Voltaire's  evident  lack  of  familiarity 
with  certain  events  of  the  poem. 

2  Mickle  (p.  609,  note)  objects  at  this  point  that  the  Melindians  are,  according 
to  history,  "a  humane  and  polished  people." 

3  Edmund  Waller,   1605-1687;   Sir  John  Denham,   1615-1669.     Cf.  Lanson, 
Lettres  phil.,  II,  p.  126:  "On  a  beaucoup  entendu  parler  du  ce"lebre  Waller  en 
France."     But  in  1728  Voltaire  had  written:  "  The  articles  relating  to  Milton,  to 
sir  John  Denham,  Waller,  Dryden  must  needs  be  altogether  out  of  the  way  of  a 
French  reader."     Cf.  p.  70,    note   6,    ante.     Cf.  Pope,  Essay  on  Criticism,  II, 
11.360,  361: 

"  And  praise  the  easy  vigour  of  a  line, 
Where  Denham's  strength,  and  Waller's  sweetness  join." 

4  Waller,  Works,  ed.  Fenton,  p.  163.     The  second  line  reads:    "To  all  the 
wonders  I  shall  sing." 

5 1728  Argonots. 

6  The  Works  of  the  English  Poets,  ed.  Chalmers,  VII,  pp.  236-237  (Denham's 
Poems).  Cf.  Dryden,  ed.  Scott-Saintsbury,  XIV,  p.  207,  Dedication  of  the 
Aeneis,  1697:  "I  am  sure  there  are  few  who  make  verses,  have  observed  the 
sweetness  of  these  two  lines  in  Cooper's  Hill — 

'  Though  deep,  yet  clear;  though  gentle,  yet  not  dull; 

Strong  without  rage;  without  o'erflowing  full.' 
and  there  are  yet  fewer  who  can  find  the  reason  of  that  sweetness." 


112  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

and  strong  Lays;  Let  my  Stile  flow  like  your  Waves;  let  it  be  deep 
and  clear  as  your  Waters,  &c."  * 

It  is  not  to  be  inferr'd  from  thence,  that  Waller  and  Sir  John 
Denham  have  imitated  Camouens;  we  must  only  conclude,  that 
Wit  is  of  the  Growth  of  every  Country.  It  is  very  unjust,  and 
very  common,  to  call  Plagiarism  what  is  but  Resemblance. 

TASSO.2 

Torquato  Tasso  began  his  Jerusalem,  when  Camouens  was  finish 
ing  his  Lusiada.3  He  us'd  to  say  that  the  only  Rival  he  fear'd 
in  Europe  was  Camouens.*  His  Fear  (if  sincere)  was  very  ill- 

1  This  passage  translated  literally  from  the  Portuguese  of  Camoens  reads : 
"And  you,  my  nymphs  of  Tagus,  since  you  have  created  in  me  a  new  ardent 

genius,  if  your  stream  has  always  been  joyfully  celebrated  by  me  in  humble 
verse:  grant  me  now  a  lofty  and  sublime  note,  an  eloquent  and  high  sounding 
style;  for  of  your  waters  Phoebus  ordains  that  they  shall  not  envy  those  of 
Hippocrene."  (For  this  translation  I  am  indebted  to  Supt.  G.  W.  Barwick 
of  the  British  Museum).  In  the  English  translation  of  the  Lusiads  made  in 
1655  by  R.  Fanshawe  the  passage  is  rendered : 

"  And  you  my  Tagus'  Nymphs,  since  ye  did  raise 

My  Wit  to  more  than  ordinary  flame: 

If  I,  in  low,  yet  tuneful  Verse,  the  praise 

Of  your  sweet  River  always  did  proclame: 

Inspire  me  now  with  high  and  thundering  lays: 

Give  me  them  cleer  and  flowing  like  his  stream; 

That  to  your  Waters  Phoebus  may  ordaine 

They  do  not  envy  those  of  Hyppocrane." 

In  1753  Baretti  (Dissertation,  p.  71)  merely  says  that  Voltaire  has  endeavored 
to  impose  on  the  reader  by  translating  falsely  some  lines  of  Camoens  to  create 
a  resemblance  between  them  and  a  passage  of  Denham.  Mickle  points  out 
(p.  610,  note)  that  the  idea  similar  to  that  of  Denham  was  not  contained  in  the 
original  but  was  added  by  Fanshawe. 

2  Cf.  Essai,  p.  336,  Chapitre  VII,  Le  Tasse.     Here  again  the  French  chapter 
is  several  pages  longer  than  the  English.     Various  parts  of  the  English,  however, 
have  been  omitted,  for  instance  that  regarding  the  inscription  on  Tasso's  tomb, 
the  unfavorable  comment  upon  modern  French  writers,  and  several  passages 
which  will  be  indicated  in  the  notes,  three  concerning  religion,  the  criticism  of 
Tasso's  commenting  upon  himself,  including  the  anecdote  of  the  ambassador 
and  the  sentence  at  the  end  of  the  chapter  having  to  do  with  local  color.     We 
shall  also  see  that  one  of  the  episodes  of  the  poem  is  related  in  much  less  detail 
and  that  remarks  concerning  Italian  taste  have  been  made  less  offensive. 

On  the  other  hand  comments  on  Ariosto,  varying  considerably  in  earlier 
editions  of  the  Essai  (cf.  pp.  156,  157,  post),  have  been  added  at  the  be 
ginning  and  the  biographical  information  has  been  greatly  elaborated.  Certain 
sentences  appear  in  the  French  which  seem  to  make  the  chapter  still  more 
definitely  anti-Homeric  and  others  which  emphasize  the  idea  of  comparative 
literature.  A  characteristic  comment  on  the  folly  of  the  crusades  has  been 
inserted. 

3  The  Gerusalemme  Liberata  was  begun  in  1575  and  published  in  1581.     The 
Lusiads  appeared  in  1572. 

4  Cf .  Fanshawe,   Lusiad,   Dedication:    "He  [Tasso]  was  heard  to  say   (hia 
great  Jerusalem  being  then  an  embrio)  he  feared  no  man  but  Camoens." 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  113 

grounded;  for  he  was  as  far  superior  to  him,  as  that  Portugese 
excell'd  the  Poets  of  his  own  Country. 

No  Man  in  the  World  was  ever  born  with  a  greater  Genius, 
and  more  qualify'd  for  Epick  Poetry.1  His  Talents  which  gain'd 
him  so  great  a  Reputation,  were  the  Cause  of  his  Misfortunes. 
His  Life  prov'd  a  Chain  of  Miseries  and  Woes.  Banish'd  from  his 
own  Country,  he  was  reduc'd  to  the  grievous  Necessity  of  having 
a  Patron.  He  suffer 'd  Want,  Exile,  and  Prison;  and  which  is 
more  intolerable,  he  was  oppress'd  by  Calumny. 

|  Even  his  poetical  Glory,  that  chimerical  Comfort  in  real  Calami- 78 
ties,  was  contested.  The  Number  of  his  Enemies  eclips'd  for  a 
long  while  his  Reputation.2  And  at  last  when  his  Merit  began 
to  overcome  Envy,  when  he  was  ready  to  receive  the  Honour 
of  Triumph  in  Rome,  which  Petrarch  had  formerly  enjoy'd  (though 
with  less  Merit)  and  which  was  at  that  Time  as  glorious  as  it  is 
now  ridiculous,  he  dy'd3  the  very  Day  before  the  design'd  Solem 
nity.4 

Nothing  discovers  more  plainly  the  high  Sense  which  Rome 
entertain'd  of  his  Merit,  than  the  Inscription  on  his  Tomb. 

The  Pope,  who  order'd  him  a  magnificent  Funeral,  as  if  it  were 
to  atone  for  the  Misfortunes  of  his  Life,  propos'd  a  Reward  for 
the  best  Epitaph  which  should  be  written  in  his  Honour. 

Many  were  brought  to  him,  all  full  of  the  just  Praises  of  Tasso. 
The  Judges  appointed  to  chuse  the  Epitaph,  were  divided  in  their 
Opinions,  when  a  young  Man  came  to  them  with  this  Inscription, 

Tor quaii  Tassi  ossa. 

The  Judges  immediately  agreed  in  giving  the  Preference  to  it, 
being  persuajded  that  the  name  of  Tasso  was  his  greatest  Encom-  79 
ium.5 


1  In  the  preface  of  the  fifth  edition  of  his  translation  of  Jerusalem  Delivered, 
1783,  John  Hoole  refers  to  Voltaire's  favorable  opinion  of  Tasso,  expressed  in 
his  Essay  on  Epic  Poetry.     From  his  summary  of  Voltaire's  comments,  it  is 
evident  that,  although  writing  in  London,  Hoole  was  using  the  French  version 
of  the  essay.     Cf.  The  Works  of  the  English  Poets,  Chalmers,  XXI,  pp.  389  ff. 

2  Voltaire  never  fails  to  think  of  himself.     There  can  be  no  doubt  that  he 
has  in  mind  the  similarity  between  his  own  misfortunes  and  Tasso's. 

3 1728  died. 

4  Modern  authorities  agree  that  arrangements  had  been  made  for  the  crowning 
of  Tasso  with  the  laurel  wreath  when  he  died,  April  25,  1595.  The  statement 
that  his  death  occurred  the  day  before  he  was  to  have  been  crowned  is  open 
to  question. 

6  It  is  significant  that  this  interesting  piece  of  information,  which  it  seems 
difficult  to  substantiate,  has  been  omitted  in  the  French  version  of  the  essay. 


114  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Time,  which  undermines  the  Reputation  of  indifferent  Authors, 
hath  stamp'd  the  Character  of  Immortality  upon  his  Works. 
His  Poem  is  sung  now-a-days  in  many  Parts  of  Italy,  as  the  Poems 
of  Homer  were  in  Greece;  and  if  the  Poets,  his  Successors,  have 
degenerated  from  him,  if  Italy  is  now  over-grown  with  pitiful 
Sonnets  and  Conceits;  still  the  Taste  of  the  Nation  form'd  after 
his  Poems  remains  in  its  full  Force:  He  is  admir'd  by  the  Readers, 
though  not  imitated  by  the  Writers.  Thus  in  France,  Corneille, 
Racine,  Boylau,1  la  Fontaine,  Moliere,  will  claim  for  ever  the 
publick  Admiration,  in  Defiance  to  a  succeeding  Set  of  Writers, 
who  have  introduc'd  a  new  fangl'd  Stile,  kept  up  and  cherish'd 
among  themselves,  but  despis'd  by  the  Nation. 

The  Jerusalem  liberata,  is  in  some  Parts  an  Imitation  of  the 
Iliad.  The  Subject  of  Tasso  is  nobler  than  that  of  Homer,  in  as 
much  as  all  Europe,  rising  up  in  Arms  for  the  Recovery  of  the 
Land  which  is  consecrated  by  the  Birth  and  Blood  of  their  God, 
strikes  the  Mind  with  a  more  awful  Idea,  than  Greece  fighting 
against  Troy,  for  Helena. 

80  |  As  to  the  Disposition  of  so  great  a  Work,  the  impartial  Reader 
may  judge  if  Tasso  is  above,  or  under  his  Master,  in  what  he 
copies  from  him. 

Goffredo  acts  methinks  the  Part  of  Agamemnon,  with  as  much 
Grandeur,  less  Pride,  and  more  Wisdom. 

The  Hermit  Piero  is  the  Calcas;  and  if  I  dare  speak  my  Opinion, 
I  find  nothing  very  shining  nor  defective  in  either. 

Rinaldo,  is  among  the  Christian  Princes  what  Achilles  is  among 
the  Grecian  Heroes.  His  Courage  is  full  as  boisterous,  but  his 
Character  more  amiable.  The  Fall  of  Jerusalem  is  reserv'd  to  his 
Sword,  as  that  of  Troy  to  the  Arms  of  Achilles.  The  Absence  of 
the  one  from  the  Camp,  is  borrowed  from  the  Inaction  of  the 
other;  but  certainly  Rinaldo  employs  his  Leisure  more  to  the 
Satisfaction  of  the  Reader,  than  the  Heroe2  of  Homer  does. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  appears  that  it  was  Tasso's  protector,  Cardinal  Cinzio, 
who  intended  erecting  a  magnificent  monument  to  his  memory  but  it  was  not 
until  thirteen  years  later  that  this  intention  was  carried  out  by  Cardinal  Boniface 
Bevilacqua.  It  is  also  stated  that  Tasso  himself  had  directed  that  his  epitaph 
should  be,  "  Hie  jacet  Torquatus  Tassus."  Cf.  Boulting,  Tasso  and  his  Times, 
pp.  302,  303.  The  inscription  on  the  monument  of  1608  reads:  "D.  O.  M.  Tor- 
quati  Tassi  Ossa  illic  jacent.  Hoc  ne  nescius  Esses,  hospes,  Fratres  hujius 
eclesiae  posuerunt."  Cf.  Biographic  Generate,  Paris,  1864. 

1 1728  Boileau.  This  passage  does  not  appear  in  the  French.  Cf.  p.  71, 
ante. 

2 1728  Hero. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  115 

Aladino,  Sultan  of  Jerusalem,  is  in  nothing  like  Priam,  but  in 
his  being  the  King  of  the  Town  beseig'd;  and  Argante  bears  no 
other  Resemblance  to  Hector,  but  in  his  being  the  firmest  Bulwark 
of  the  City. 

Certainly  the  Character  of  Hector  is  every  way  above  that  of 
Argante,  and  the  grandeur  of  Priam  more  majestick,  and  his 
Misfortunes  more  touching  than  those  of  A\ladin.1  I  will  not 81 
decide,  if  Homer  hath  done  right  or  wrong,  in  gaining  upon  our 
Affections  towards  Hector,  and  in  moving  our  Pity  for  Priam; 
but  sure  it  is,  that  if  Tasso  had  not  represented  Aladin  and  Argante 
rough  and  unamiable,  if  he  had  not  skilfully  created  an  Aversion 
to  them,  in  the  Mind  of  the  Reader,  he  had  defeated  his  own 
Intention;  for  in  that  Case,  instead  of  being  concern'd  for  the 
Cause  of  the  Christian  Princes,  we  should  look  upon  them  as 
Plunderers,  united  together  to  lay  waste  a  foreign  Country,  and 
to  massacre  in  cold  Blood,  an  old  venerable  Eastern  Monarch, 
together  with  his  innocent  Subjects.2 

Tasso  hath  learn'd  from  Homer,  the  Art  of  marking  the  different 
Shades  of  the  same  Colour,  I  mean  the  different  Kinds  of  the 
same  Virtue,  of  distinguishing  the  Valiant  from  the  Valiant,  and 
the  Prudent  from  the  Prudent,  &c.3  Thus  Goffredo  is  sedate  and 
wise,  Aladin  anxious  and  cruel.  The  generous  Valour  of  Tane- 
rede,*  shines  in  Opposition  to  the  brutal  Impetuosity  of  Argante. 
Love  in  Armida  is  a  Mixture  of  Coquettry  and  Rage,  in  Herminia 
a  gentle  Tenderness.  Every  one  of  his  Actors  is  to  be  known  by 
some  distinguishable  Mark,  |  as  in  the  Iliad,  and  everyone  of  them  °^ 
acts  always  suitable  to  his  Character,  which  is  not  always  to  be 
found  in  Homer;  and  in  that  respect  methinks  he  hath  improv'd 
the  Art  which  Homer  taught  him,  but  an  Art  which  he  learn'd 

1  Written  Aladino  at  the  bottom  of  p.  80  and  Aladin  at  the  top  of  p.  81. 

2  In  the  Essai  a  paragraph  has  been  added  which  is  very  characteristic  of 
Voltaire.  He  seldom  lost  an  opportunity  to  inveigh  against  fanaticism  in  any 
form.  The  opening  sentence  reads  (p.  341):  "  C'6tait  une  chose  bien 

etrange  que  la  folie  des  croisades."    The  writer  goes  on  to  speak  of  the  evils 

attendant  upon  the  crusades. 

3  Cf.  Addison  in  Spectator,  II,  p.  233:  "  His^Homer's]  Princes  are  as  much  dis 
tinguished  by  their  Manners,  as  by  their  Dominions;  and  even  those  among 
them,  whose  Characters  seem  wholly  made  up  of  Courage,  differ  from  one  an 
other  as  to  the  particular  kinds  of  Courage  in  which  they  excel." 

Cf.  Pope,  Iliad,  preface,  p.  5:  "Nothing  can  be  more  exact  than  the  dis 
tinctions  he  has  observed  in  the  different  degrees  of  virtues  and  vices.  The 
single  quality  of  courage  is  wonderfully  diversified  in  the  several  characters 
of  the  Iliad." 

4  1728  Tancrede. 


116  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

from  no  body.1  'Tis  that  inchanting  Way  of  interresting 2  us 
for  his  Heroes,  'tis  that  unexpressible3  Address  in  interweaving 
the  different  Adventures  of  the  Poem,  in  leading  us  from  the 
Alarms  of  Wars,  to  the  Allurements  of  Love,  and  from  Love  to 
War  again;  in  working  up  our  Concern  by  Degrees,  and  in  rising 
above  himself  from  Book  to  Book. 

As  to  his  Style,  it  is  perspicuous  and  elegant  through  all  the 
Poem ;  and  when  he  enters  into  Descriptions  which  require  Strength 
and  Majesty,,  it  is  wonderful  how  the  natural  Effeminacy  of  the 
Italian  Language  soars  up  into  Sublimity  and  Grandeur,  and 
assumes  a  new  Character  in  his  Hands,  if  we  except  about  an 
hundred  Lines4  in  which  he  flattens  into  pitiful  Conceits,  but  I 
look  on  these  Errors  as  a  kind  of  Tribute,  which  his  Genius  con 
descended  to  pay  to  the  Italian  Taste.5 

If  his  Excellencies  challenge  the  unanimous  Admiration  of 
83  Europe,  there  are  Faults  in  him  which  methinks  are  cenjsur'd 
everywhere.6  The  episode  of  Olinda1  and  Sophronia  in  the 
beginning  of  the  Action  seems  defective  in  all  respects. 

The  Poet  introduces  a  Mahometan  Magician  call'd  Ismeno,  who 
against  the  strict  and  never  violated  Laws  of  the  Mahometan 
Religion,  carries  an  Image  of  the  Virgin  Mary  into  the  principal 
Mosquee,9  in  order  to  make  it  by  the  Force  of  his  Enchantments 
the  Pledge  and  Security  of  the  Town,  as  formerly  the  Fate  of 
Troy  depended  upon  the  Palladium.  It  happens  one  Night  that 
the  Image  is  stol'n9  away,  the  Christians  of  Jerusalem  being 


1  The  comparison  between  Homer  and  Tasso,  although  briefer  in  the  French, 
is  more  distinctly  favorable  to  Tasso:  "J'ose  dire  que  le  Tasse  a  etc  bien  au 
dela  de  son  modele.  II  a  autant  de  feu  qu'Homere  dans  ses  batailles,  avec 
plus  de  vari6te.  Ses  heros  ont  tous  des  caracteres  differents  comme  ceux  de 
I'lliade;  mais  ses  caracteres  sont  mieux  annonces,  plus  fortement  decrits,  et 
mieux  soutenus;  car  il  n'y  en  a  presque  pas  un  seul  qui  ne  se  demente  dans  le 
poete  grec,  et  pas  un  qui  ne  soit  invariable  dans  1'italien.  II  a  peint  ce  qu' 
Homere  crayonnait  .  .  ."  (p.  340). 

2 1728  interesting. 

3 1728  inexpressible. 

4  Cf.  Essai,  p.  342:     "  Environ  deux  cents  vers." 

6  Cf .  ibid. :  "  Mais  ces  faiblesses  etaient  une  espece  de  tribut  que  son  ge"nie 
payait  au  mauvais  gout  de  son  siecle  pour  les  pointes,  qui  meme  a  augmente 
depuis  lui,  mais  dont  les  Italiens  sont  entierement  disabuses."  The  significant 
phrase  "  mais  dont  les  Italiens  etc.,"  was  added  between  1742  and  1746.  Cf. 
p.  157,  post. 

6  Cf .  ibid.:  "  II  y  a  aussi  bien  des  endroits  qu'on  n'approuve  qu'en  Italie, 
et  quelques  uns  qui  ne  doivent  plaire  nulle  part." 

7 1728  Olindo.     Cf.  Errata. 

8 1728  Mosque. 

•  1728  stolen. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  117 

suspected  of  the  Theft,  the  Sultan  incens'd,  sentences  them  all 
to  Death,  that  he  might  be  sure  to  punish  the  guilty  in  the  com 
mon  Slaughter.  Meanwhile  Sophronia,  a  Pious  Christian  Virgin, 
comes  before  the  Sultan.  She  saves  her  Countrymen  by  a  gener 
ous  Lie,1  she  declares  that  she  hath  stol'n2  the  Image,  the  King 
condems3  her  to  be  burnt.  Olindo  her  Lover  endeavours  to  save 
her  Life  by  another  noble  Lie,1  he  takes  the  Guilt  upon  himself, 
and  claims  the  Pile  prepared  for  her.  At  last  both  are  sentenced 
to  die,  both  are  ty'd  to  the  same  stake,  when  of  a  sudden  arrives 
Clorinda  from  Persia.  She  mov'd  |  with  Pity  towards  them,  and  84 
looking  with  Scorn  upon  the  Sorcery  of  Ismeno,  asks  and  obtains 
their  Pardon.  Olindo  and  Sophronia  go  from  the  Pile  to  their 
Church,  Marry,  and  are  no  more  heard  of  in  the  Poem. 

Tasso  adorn'd  that  useless  Episode  with  all  the  Pomp  of 
Poetry,  nay  he  is  not  sparing  of  Italian  Conceits  in  it.  He 
dwells  with  so  much  Complacency  upon  the  Description  of 
Sophronia,  he  speaks  of  the  Love  of  Olindo  with  so  much  Warmth, 
he  excites  so  much  Pity  for  them  both,  that  every  Reader  cannot 
but  believe  that  both  are  principal  Characters  in  the  Poem.  He 
is  amaz'd  and  angry  afterward  to  see  them  as  useless  to  the  Affairs 
of  the  Christians,  as  the  Image  of  Virgin  Mary*  to  the  Infidels. 
All  the  Embellishments  which  Tasso  lavishes  upon  such  a  needless 
piece  of  Enchantment,  and  upon  so  preposterous  an  Episode  serve 
but  to  render  the  Fault  more  conspicuous.* 

All  the  World  owns  with  the  Italians,  that  nothing  is  so  art 
fully  describ'd  as  the  Coquettry  of  Armida,  nothing  so  tender 
as  her  Love,  nothing  so  animated  and  so  moving  as  her  Com 
plaints.  The  Taste  of  the  English  and  of  the  French,  tho'  averse 
to  any  Machinery  grounded  |  upon  Enchantment,  must  forgive,  85 
nay  commend  that  of  Armida,  since  it  is  the  Source  of  so  many 
Beauties.  Besides  she  is  a  Mahometan,  and  the  Christian  Religion 
allows  us  to  believe  that  those  Infidels  are  under  the  immediate 
Influence  of  the  Devil.6 

1 1728  Lye. 
2 1728  stolen. 

3  1728  condemns. 

4  1728  of  the  Virgin  Mary. 

5Rolli  (Remarks,  p.  84)  accuses  Voltaire  of  having  overlooked  an  important 
detail  of  this  episode.  As  to  its  uselessness  he  writes:  "  What  is  a  useless 
Episode  .  .  .  according  to  Voltaire  an  Episode  must  not  be  an  Episode."  In 
the  Essai  the  incident  in  question  is  merely  mentioned,  not  related. 

6  Here  we  see  Voltaire  the  apostle  of  tolerance.     This  sentence  does  not 
appear  in  the  French. 


118  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

But  indeed  no  body  but  an  Italian  can  bear  with  the  wild  Excess, 
to  which  Tasso  hath  carried  that  Machinery. l  Ten  Christian 
Princes  turn'd  into  Fish  in  the  Ponds  of  Armida,  and  a  Parrot 
singing  amorous  Songs  of  his  own  making,  are  very  strange  Things 
in  the  eyes  of  a  serious  Reader,  tho'  one  is  precedented  by  the 
Story  of  Circe  in  Homer;  and  tho'  the  Parrots  are  thought  among 
us  to  mimick  now  and  then  human  Voices. 

Still  we  should  easily  forgive  such  poetical  Extravagancies  for 
the  sake  of  the  Beauties  which  are  mingled  with  them.  Let  the 
Devils  (since  they  are  admitted)  have  a  free  Scope  to  play  their 
wild  Pranks,  especially  in  Italy,  where  the  Superstition  of  the 
People  brings  Credit  to  no  less  strange  Tales.2 

But  it  is  unaccountable  how  Men  of  Sense  can  approve  of  the 
Christian  Magicians,  who  help  Rinaldo  out  of  the  Hands  of  the 
Mahometan  Wizards.  It  is  singular  to  see  in  Tasso  Lewdness, 
86 Mass,  Confession,  the  Litanies  of  the  Saints,  and  pieces  of  Witch 
craft  heap'd  together.3 

What  strange  Fancy  !  to  send  Ubaldo  and  his  Companion  to  an 
old  holy  Conjurer,  who  carries  them  just  into  the  Center  of  the 
Earth.  The  two  Knights  walk  there  on  the  Banks  of  a  Rivulet 
cover'd  with  precious  Stones  of  all  Kinds.  From  that  Place 
they  are  sent  to  Ascalon  to  an  old  Woman  who  carries  them 
swiftly  in  a  little  Ship  to  the  Canary  Islands.4  Thither  they 
arrive  in  the  Name  of  God,  holding  in  their  Hands  a  magick 
Wand,  they  perform  their  Ambassy,  they  carry  Rinaldo  back  with 
them  to  the  Camp  of  the  Christians;  for  the  Army  was  in  need 
of  him.  But  what  was  the  great  Exploit  which  must  necessarily 
be  performed  by  Rinaldo,  and  by  him  only  ? 

1  Cf .  Essai,  p.  342:     "  II  y  a  dans  1'episode  d'Armide.     .    .  des  exces  d'imag- 
ination  qui  assurement  ne  seraient  point  admis  en  France  ni  en  Angleterre. 
.  .  .  Les  enchantements  ne  reussiraient  pas  aujourd'hui  avec  des  Frangais  ou 
des  Anglais.  .  .  .  Sans  doute  un  homme  qui  vient  de  lire  Locke  ou  Addison 
sera  etrangement  revolte"  de  trouver  dans  la  Jerusalem  un  sorcier  chretien." 

2  Cf.  ibid.:     "  Mais  du  temps  du  Tasse  ils  etaient  recus  dans  tpute  1'Eurqpe, 
et  regardes  presque  comme  un  point  de  foi  par  le  peuple  superstitieux  d'ltalie." 

3  This  sentence  is  omitted  in  the  French,  very  likely  because  of  a  comment 
of  Rqlli's.     Cf.  p.  110,  note    2,    ante.     Cf.  also  Rolli,   Remarks,  p.  86:     "  M. 
Voltaire  writ  those  three  following  Paragraphs  in  the   Stile  of  Scarron  .  .  . 
with  the  intent  of  writing  il  Tasso  travestito  by  which  anyone  may  ridicule 
all  the  best  poetical  works." 

4  Cf .  Baretti,    Dissertation,    p.   70:     "Ubaldo   and   his   Companion    spied   a 
Little  Bark,  and  seated  in  the  Stern  a  Maid  ordained  to  guide  it.     Her  Hair 
hung  in  loose  curls  upon  her  Forehead.     A  soft  Complacency  sparkled  in  her 
Eyes.     The  shining  Lustre  of  her  Face  expressed  angelic  Beauty.     This  is  the 
old  Woman  of  Ascalon  that  M.  de  Voltaire  takes  notice  of." 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  119 

He  was  destin'd  by  Providence,  and  brought  by  Enchantment 
from  the  Pic '  of  Teneriff  to  Jerusalem,  in  order  to  cut  down  some 
Trees  in  a  Forest  inhabited  by  Elves  and  Hoggoblings.2  That 
Forest  is  the  great  Machinery  of  Tasso.  It  is  remarkable  that 
in  the  former  Books  God  almighty  orders  His  Archangel  Michael 
to  drive  down  into  Hell  the  Devils  who  were  let  loose  in  the  Air, 
raising  Storms,  and  managing  his  Thunders  against  the  Christians 
in  Favour  of  the  Mahometans.  Michael  forbids  them  strictly  to 
meddle  |  any  more  in  those  Affairs.  They  obey  and  plunge  into  87 
Hell  immediately;  but  soon  after  the  Enchanter  Ismeno  recalls 
them  out,  they  find  Means  to  elude  the  Orders  of  God,  and  under 
the  pretence  of  some  Jesuitical  Distinctions,  they  take  Possession 
of  the  Forest,  wherein  the  Christians  intended  to  provide  the 
Timber  necessary  to  build  a  wooden  Tower. 

There  they  assume  innumerable  Shapes  to  frighten  away  those 
who  come  to  cut  the  Trees.  There  Tancred  finds  his  Clorinda 
after  her  Death  shut  up  in  a  Pine,  and  bleeding  for  the  Blow 
which  he  strikes  at  the  Root.  There  Armida  peeps  out  of  a 
Mirtle,3  while  she  is  some  Miles  off,  in  the  ^Egyptian  Army, 
totally  unappris'd  of  her  being  in  two  Places  at  once,  tho'  she 
is  the  best  Sorceress  in  the  World.  At  last  the  Prayers  of  the 
Hermit  and  the  Merit  of  Rinaldo's  Contrition  after  his  Confession, 
break  the  Enchantment. 

Methinks  it  is  not  very  foreign  to  the  Purpose  to  see  how  differ 
ently  Lucan  hath  handled  in  his  Pharsalia  a  Topick  pretty  much 
of  the  same  Nature.  'Tis  when  Cesar  orders  his  Troops  to  cut 
down  some  Tres4  in  the  sacred  Forest  of  Marseilles,  to  have 
them  made  into  warlike  Instruments.  The  Passage  deserves  to 
be  |  set  in  its  full  Length,  as  it  is  translated  by  the  late  Mr. 

Not  far  away,  for  Ages  past  had  stood 

An  old  inviolated  sacred  Wood; 

Whose  gloomy  Boughs,  thick  interwoven,  made 


1  1728  Pike,  1731  Pic. 
2 1728  Hobgoblings. 

3  1728  Myrtle. 

4  1728  Trees. 

8  Nicholas  Rowe,   1674-1718,  made  poet  laureate  in  1715.     His  translation 
of  the  Pharsalia  was  published  shortly  after  his  death. 

In  the  French  version  Voltaire  quotes  from  Brebeuf's  Pharsalia  (cf.  p.  49, 
ante)  which  he  characterizes  as  "  comme  toutes  les  autres  traductions  .  .  .  au 
dessous  de  1'original."  Essai,  p.  343.  This  accords  with  his  attitude  toward 
translations  in  the  French  chapter  on  Homer.  Cf.  p.  67,  note  1,  ante. 


120  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

A  chilly  chearless  everlasting  Shade, 

There,  nor  the  rustick  Gods,  nor  Satyrs  Sport, 

Nor  Fauns l  and  Syluans 2  with  the  Nymphs  resort; 

But  barb'rous  Priests  some  dreadful  Pow'r  adore, 

And  lustrate  ev'ry  Tree  with  human  Gore. 

If  Mysteries,  in  times  of  old  receiv'd, 

And  pious  Ancientry  be  yet  believ'd, 

There  nor  the  feather'd  Songster  builds  her  Nest, 

Nor  lonely  dens  conceal  the  savage  Beast: 

There  no  tempestuous  Winds  presume  to  fly, 

Ev'n  Lightnings  Glance  aloof,  and  shoot  obliquely  by, 

No  wanton  Breezes  toss's3   the  dancing  Leaves, 

But  shiv'ring  Horror  in  the  Branches  heaves. 

Black  Springs  with  pitchy  Streams  divide  the  Ground 

And  bubbling  tumble  with  a  sullen  Sound. 

Old  Images  of  Forms  mis-shapen  stand, 

Rude  and  unknowing  of  the  Artist's  Hand; 

With  hoary  Filth  begrim'd  each  ghastly  Head 

Strikes  the  astonish 'd  Gazer's  Soul  with  Dread. 

No  Gods,  who  long  in  common  Shapes  appear' d, 

Were  e'er  with  such  Religious  Awe  rever'd: 

But  zealous  Crouds  in  Ignorance  adore; 

And  still  the  less  they  know,  they  fear  the  more. 

The  pious  Worshippers  approach  not  near, 
But  shun  their  Gods,  and  kneel  with  distant  Fear: 
The  Priest  himself,  when,  or  the  Day,  or  Night, 
Rowling  have  reach' d  their  full  meridian  height, 
Refrains  the  gloomy  Paths  with  wary  Feet, 
Dreading  the  Daemon  of  the  Grove  to  meet; 
gg  |WAo,  terrible  to  Sight,  at  that  fix' d  Hour, 

Still  treads  the  ground 4  about  his  dreery 5  Bow'r. 
This  Wood  near  neighb'ring  to  th'  encompassed  Town, 
Untouch'd  by  former  Wars  remain' d  alone; 
And  since  the  Country  round  it  naked  stands, 
From  hence  the  Latian  Chief  Supplies  demands. 
But  lo  !  the  bolder  Hands  that  should  have  struck, 

1 1728  Fawns. 

2 1728  Sylvans. 

8 1728  toss. 

4  Howe's  translation  reads  Round. 

*  1728  dreary. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  121 

With  some  unusual  Horror  trembling  Shook; 

With  silent  Dread  and  Rev'rence  they  survey'd, 

The  Gloom  Majestick  of  the  sacred  Shade: 

None  dares  with  impious  Steel  the  Bark  to  rend, 

Least l  on  himself  the  destin'd  stroke  descend. 

Caesar  perceiv'd  the  spreading  Fear  to  grow, 

Then  Eager  caught  an  Ax  and  aim'd  a  Blow: 

Deep  sunk  within  a  violated  Oak 

The  wounding  Edge,  and  thus  the  Warrior  spoke. 

Now,  let  no  doubting  Hand  the  Task  decline: 

Cut  you  the  Wood,  and  let  the  Guilt  be  mine. 

The  trembling  Bands  unwillingly  obey'd; 

Two  various  Ills  were  in  the  Ballance  laid, 

And  Caesar's  Wrath  against  the  Gods  was  weigh'd.2 

1  confess  that  the  whole  Pharsalia  is  not  to  be  compar'd  to 
the  Jerusalem  of    Tasso.     But  at  least  that  particular  Passage 
shows  how  the  true  Grandeur  of  a  real  Hero  is  above  the  Roman- 
tick,3  and  how  solid  and  strong  Thoughts  excell 4  those   Inven 
tions,   which  the   Crowd  calls  poetical  Beauties,   and  on  which 
wise  Men  look  down  as  Tales  fit  for  Children. 

The  Virtuosi  in  Italy  have  disputed  for  a  long  while  and  still 
contest  which  of  the  two  Ariosto  or  Tasso  deserves  the  Prece 
dency.  But  every  where  else  the  chief  jest  Exception  that  Men  90 
of  Understanding  take  to  Tasso,  is  that  of  having  too  much  of 
Ariosto  in  him.  Tasso  seems  to  have  been  conscious  of  this  Fault. 
He  could  not  be  unsensible  that  such  wild  fairy  Tales,  at  that 
Time  so  much  in  the  Fashion  not  in  Italy  only  but  in  all  Europe, 
were  altogether  inconsistent  with  the  Gravity  of  Epick  Poetry: 
In  order  to  cover  this  Defect  he  printed  a  Preface,  in  which  he 
pretends  that  all  his  Poem  is  but  a  Shadow  and  a  Type. 

The  Army  of  the  Christian  Princes,  says  he,  represents  the 
Body  and  the  Soul.  Jerusalem  the  figure  of  true  Happiness, 
which  cannot  be  obtain'd  but  by  Labour  and  Difficulties.  Gof- 
fredo  is  the  Mind,  Tancredo,  Raimondo,  &c.  are  the  faculties  of 

1 1728  Lest. 

2  Howe,  Pharsalia,  Bk.  Ill,  11.  591-617  and  623-649. 

8  It  is  evident  that  this  passage  has  been  quoted  and  praised  with  a  view  to 
the  interests  of  the  Hennade.  Voltaire's  use  of  the  work  romantick  is  inter 
esting  in  connection  with  the  history  of  the  term  romantique  in  France.  Cf. 
A.  Francois,  Annales  J.  J.  Rousseau,  V,  pp.  199  ff.,  also  Rev.  d'Hist.  litt.,  1911,  pp. 
440,  940. 

4 1728  excel. 


122  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

the  Mind.  The  common  Soldiers  make  up  the  Limbs  of  the 
Body.  The  Devils  are  at  once  figur'd,  and  figures  (figura  e  figu- 
rato).  Armida  and  Ismeno  are  the  Temptations  which  besiege 
our  Souls.  The  Spells  and  the  Illusions  of  the  inchanted  Forest 
shadow  out  the  false  reasoning  (falsi  sillogismi) l  into  which  our 
Passions  are  apt  to  mislead  us. 

Such  is  the  Key  that  Tasso  thinks  fit  to  give  us  of  his  Works. 
He  deals  with  himself  as  the  Commentators  have  done  with 
Homer  and  Virgil.  Those  Gentlemen  are  like  speculative  and 

91  dully  wise  |  Politicians,  who  construe  the  most  insignificant  Actions 
of  great  Men,  into  Designs  of  the  greatest  Depth  and  Importance. 
But   Tasso  was  like  that  Ambassador,  who  having  spent  all  the 
Time  of  his  Ambassy  in  Debauchery  and  Riot,  wrote  to  his  Master 
that  he  was  whoring  and  drinking  for  the  Service  of  his  Majesty.2 

However,  the  ridiculous  Explanation  which  Tasso  gives  with 
so  much  Gravity  of  his  Extravagancies,  cannot  impose  upon 
Mankind;  for  we  no  more  allow  an  Author  to  comment  upon 
himself,  than  a  Priest  to  prophecy3  of  himself.4 

If  the  Devils  act  in  Tasso,  the  insipid  part  of  despicable  Jug 
glers,  on  the  other  Hand  what  is  relating  to  Religion,  is  writ  with 
Majesty,  and  I  dare  say  in  the  Spirit  of  Religion  itself.  Nay 
Processions  and  Litanies,  and  all  the  Parts  of  Popish  Religion, 
which  are  accounted  comical  and  mean  in  England,  appear  in  a 
reverend  Awfulness  in  that  Poem.  So  prevalent  is  the  Art  of 
Poetry  when  it  exerts  itself  in  its  full  Force,  and  so  peculiar  to 
it  is  the  Power  of  raising  what  is  low,  and  of  enlarging  the  Sphere 
of  all  Things. 

He  is  guilty  of  indulging  the  inaccurate  Custom  of  calling  the 

92  evil  Spirits  by  the  Names  of  Pluto,  Alecto,  and  |  of  mingling  often 
Pagan  Ideas  with  Christian  Mythology.5     'Tis  strange  that  none 
of  the  modern  Poets  are  free  from  that  Fault.     It  seems  that 
our  Devils  and  our  Christian  Hell  have  something  in  them  low 
and  mean,  and  must  be  rais'd  by  the  Hell  of  the  Pagans,  which 

1 1728  Syllogism!. 

2  Rolli  (Remarks,  p.  91)  found  fault  with  this  anecdote,  saying:  "Pray 
where  is  the  Wit  ?  Where  the  Comparison  ?  "  In  the  French  version  it  was 
omitted. 

3 1728  prophesy. 

4  Cf .  Rapin,  Reflexions,  p.  79:  "  Et  c'est  en  vain  que  le  Tasse  veut  sauver 
cette  faute  par  1'allegorie,  dans  un  grand  discours  qu'il  a  fait.  C'est  justifier 
une  chimere  par  une  autre  chimere."  This  sentence  does  not  appear  in  the 
French. 

'Cf.  p.  118,  note  3,  ante. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  123 

owes  its  Dignity  to  its  Antiquity.  Certain  it  is  that  the  Hell 
of  the  Gospel  is  not  so  fitted  for  Poetry  as  that  of  Homer  and 
Virgil.  The  Name  of  Tisiphone  sounds  better  than  that  of  Beel 
zebub;1  but  with  all  that,  it  is  as  preposterous  in  a  Poet  to  bring 
Michael  and  Alecto  together,  as  in  some  Italian  and  Flemish  Paint 
ers  to  have  represented  the  Virgin  Mary  with  a  Chaplet2  of 
Beads  hanging  at  her  Girdle,  to  have  plac'd  some  Swiss  Guards 
at  the  Door  of  the  Apartment  of  Pharao,3  and  to  have  mix'd 
Cannons  and  Carabines  with  the  ancient  Arrows  in  the  Battle 
of  Josuah.4 

DON  ALONZO  D'EREILLA  Y  CUNIGA.S 

At  the  End  of  the  sixteenth  Century,  Spain  produc'd  an  Epick 
Poem,  famous  for  some  peculiar  Beauties  that  shine  in  it,  as  well 
as  for  the  Singularity  of  its  Subject,  but  still  more  illustrious  by 
the  Character  of  the  Author. 

\Alonzo  of   Ereilla  y  Cuniga,  Gentleman  of  the  Bed  Chamber  93 
to  the  Emperor  Maximilian,  was  bred  up  in  the  House  of  Philip 
the  second,   and  fought  under  his   Orders  at  the  Battle   of  St. 
Quentin,6  where  the  French  were  utterly  defeated. 

Philip  after  such  a  Success,  being  less  desirous  to  augment  his 
Glory  abroad,  than  to  settle  his  Affairs  at  home,  went  back  to 
Spain.  The  young  Alonzo  of  Ereilla,  led  by  an  insatiable  Avid 
ity  of  true  Learning,  I  mean  of  knowing  Men  and  of  seeing  the 

1  Voltaire  was  too  faithful  a  classicist  to  admit  the  poetical  possibilities  of 
the  Christian  religion,  which  were  not  to  be  thoroughly  recognized  until  the 
time  of  Chateaubriand.     Cf.  Bqileau,  Art  poetique,  III,  U.  193  ff.: 
"C'est  done  bien  vainment  que  nos  auteurs  degus, 
Bannissant  de  leurs  yers  ces  ornements  rec.us, 
Pensent  faire  agir  Dieu,  ses  saints,  et  ses  prophetes, 
Comme  ces  dieux  eclos  du  cerveau  des  poetes; 


De  la  foi  d'un  chretien  les  mysteres  terribles 
D'ornements  egayes  ne  sont  point  susceptibles." 

2 1728  Chapelet. 

3 1728  Pharaoh. 

4 1728  Joshuah. 

This  is  an  early  evidence  of  Voltaire's  feeling  for  local  color,  rare  in  the 
France  of  his  time,  seen  later  in  his  dramas  and  in  his  historical  works  and  akin 
to  his  ideas  regarding  comparative  literature.  This  particular  sentence  is 
omitted  in  the  French.  Cf.  p.  110,  note  2,  ante. 

5  Cf .  Essai,  p.  347,  Chapitre  VIII,  Don  Alonzo  de  Ereilla.  As  has  been  said, 
this  chapter  remains  practically  unchanged,  the  French  of  the  1733  edition  hav 
ing  been  almost  word  for  word  that  of  Abbe"  Desfontaines'  translation. 

•  1728  Quintin.  Saint  Quentin  in  the  department  of  Aisne,  France,  where 
the  army  of  Philip  II  under  the  duke  of  Savoy  defeated  the  French  under  Con 
stable  de  Montmorency,  Aug.  10,  1557.  In  the  French  version  of  the  essay, 
Voltaire  corrected  the  statement  that  Philip  was  present  at  this  battle. 


124  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

World,  travell'd  through  all  France,  saw  Italy,  Germany,  and 
stay'd  a  long  while  in  England.  Whilst  he  was  in  London,  he 
heard  some  Provinces  of  Peru,  and  Chily,  had  taken  Arms  against 
the  Spaniards,  their  Conquerors;  which  struggle  for  their  Lib 
erty  is,  by  the  by,  stil'd  Rebellion  by  the  Spanish  Authors.  His 
Thirst  of  Glory,  and  his  eager  Desire  of  seeing,  and  doing  new 
and  singular  Things,  carry 'd  him  without  any  Hesitation,  or 
Delay,  into  those  Countries.  He  went  to  Chily,  at  the  Head 
of  a  few  Troops,1  and  he  stay'd  in  these  parts  all  the  Time  of 
the  War. 

Near  the  Borders  of  Chily,  towards  the  South,  lies  a  small, 
mountainous  Country,  call'd  Araucana,  inhabited  by  a  Race  of 
Men,  stronger  and  more  fierce,  than  all  the  Nations  of  that  new 

94  World.     They  |  fought  for  their  Liberty,  longer  than  the  other 
Americans,"1  and  were  the  last  who  were  subdu'd.     Alonzo  waged 
against  them  a  toilsome   and   dangerous   War,   underwent  inex 
pressible  hardships,  saw  and  atchiev'd  the  most  surprising  Deeds, 
the  Prize  whereof  was  only  the  Honour  of  reducing  some  Rocks 
and    barren    Countries,    in   another    Hemisphere,    to   the    Crown 
of  Spain.3 

Alonzo,  in  the  Course  of  that  War,  conceiv'd  the  Idea  to  immor 
talize  his  Enemies  and  himself,  he  was  at  once  the  Conqueror 
and  the  Poet.  He  made  use  of  the  Intervals  of  the  War  to  sing 
it,  and  as  he  wanted  Paper,  he  wrote  the  first  Part  of  his  Poem 
upon  little  Pieces  of  Leather,  which  afterwards  he  had  much  ado 
to  set  right,  and  to  bring  together.  The  Poem  is  call'd  the  Arau 
cana,  from  the  Name  of  the  Country. 

It  begins  with  a  geographical  Account  of  Chily,  and  with  a 
Description  of  the  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  People;  such 
a  Beginning,  which  would  be  quite  flat  and  intolerable  in  any 
other  Poem,  is  necessary,  and  not  unpleasant  in  a  Subject  where 
the  Scene  lies  under  the  other  Tropick,  and  where  the  Heroes 
he  writes  of,  are  barbarous  Americans,  who  must  have  been  for- 

95  ever  unknown,  |  if  he  had  not  conquer'd  and  celebrated  them. 

As  the  Subject  was  quite  new,  so  it  gave  Birth  to  new  Thoughts.4 

1  Ercilla  was  not  in  command  of  troops  in  this  expedition  but  accompanied 
Captain  Aldrete. 

2  Cf.  pp.  35,  40,  ante.  . 

3  Ercilla's  subject-matter,  as  it  is  set  forth  by  Voltaire,  recalls  that  of  J.  M. 
de  He>e"dia,  centuries  later. 

4  Cf.  p.  65,  note  1,  ante. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  125 

There  is  one  which  I  present  to  the  Readers,  both  as  an  Example 
of  Novelty,  and  as  a  Spark  of  the  Fire  which  animated  sometimes 
the  Author. 

"  The  Araucani,  says  he,  were  surpris'd  at  first,  to  see  Crea 
tures  like  Men,  with  Fire  in  their  Hands,  and  dreadful  Monsters 
fighting  under  them.  They  thought  they  were  the  immortal 
Gods,  descending  from  above,  with  Thunder  and  Destruction. 
They  submitted,  though  with  Reluctance;  but  afterwards  being 
more  acquainted  with  their  Conquerors,  they  saw  their  Vices, 
and  judg'd  they  were  Men;  then  on  a  sudden,  asham'd  of  being 
oppress'd  by  their  fellow  Mortals,  they  swore  by  their  Shame, 
to  wash  off  their  Error  with  the  Blood  of  the  Deceivers,  and  to 
execute  a  Vengeance  exemplary,  dreadful,  and  irrevocable."  l 

It  will  be  usefull2  perhaps,  to  take  Notice  of  a  Passage  in  the 
second  Book,  which  bears  a  near  Resemblance  to  the  Beginning 
of  the  Iliad,  and  which  being  handled  quite  differently,  deserves 
to  be  presented  to  the  little  Number  of  impartial  Readers,  that 
they  may  judge  between  Homer  and  Alonzo  in  that  particular.  96 
The  first  Action  of  the  Araucana,  is  a  Quarrel  which  happen'd 
between  all  the  barbarous  Chiefs,  as  in  Homer  between  Achilles 
and  Agamemnon.  The  Dispute  was  not  about  a  Woman,  but 
about  the  Right  of  commanding  the  Army.3  Every  one  of 
those  savage  Warriors  assumes  an  uncontroul'd  Behaviour  upon 
the  Consciousness  of  his  own  Worth,  and  at  last  the  Dispute 
grew  so  high,  that  they  were  ready  to  fight  one  against  another, 
when  one  of  the  Casiques  call'd  Colocolo,  as  old  as  Nestor,  and 
less  boasting  of  himself  than  the  Grecian,  made  the  following 
speech: 

"Casiques,  ye  illustrious  Defenders  of  our  Country,  the  vain 
Desire  of  Empire  does  not  move  me  to  speak  to  you.  I  do  not 
complain  that  you  all  contend  so  eagerly  for  an  Honour  which 
perhaps  is  due  to  my  old  Age,  and  should  adorn  my  Decline. 
'Tis  my  Love  to  you,  'tis  the  Duty  that  I  owe  to  my  Country, 

1  La  Araucana  por  Don  Alonso  de  Ercilla  y  Zuniga,  1569-1590    (Biblioteca 
de  Autores  Espanoles,  XVII,  p.  4),  Canto  I,  stanza  64  ff.    Voltaire's  English, 
although  it  appears  in  quotation-marks,  is  by  no  means  a  direct  translation 
but  rather  a  very  free  summary  of  several  stanzas  of  the  poem. 

His  appreciation  of  this  passage  and  of  certain  others  of  Ercilla  may  be 
considered  characteristic  of  the  attitude  of  the  eighteenth  century  toward  so- 
called  savage  countries  and  their  inhabitants.  Cf.  Rousseau;  Voltaire's  Alzire, 
Ingenu,  Candide,  etc. 

2  1728  useful. 

3  In  the  Henriade,  also,  there  was  no  woman  who  played  a  leading  part. 


126  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

which  forces  me  to  intreat  you  to  attend  to  my  feeble  Voice. 
Alas  !  How  can  we  be  so  assuming,  as  to  pretend  to  any  Gran 
deur  whatever,  and  to  claim  honourable  Titles,  we,  who  have 
been  Subjects,  nay,  miserable  Slaves,  to  the  Spaniards.  Your 

97  Anger,  Casiques,  your  Fury,  would  be  better  employ'd      against 
our  Tyrants;  why  do  you  turn  against  your  Breasts,  those  Arms 
which  might  exterminate  your  Enemies  and  revenge  our  World  ? 
Ah  !  If  Death  be  your  Desire,  seek  a  Death  that  is  honourable  ! 
Shake  of1  the  shameful  Yoke  with  one  Hand,  assault  the  Span 
iards  with  the  other,  and  shed  not  in  an  unprofitable  Quarrel, 
those  last  Drops  of  Blood  of  this  State,  which  the  Gods  have  left 
in  it  for  its  Revenge.     I  am  not  displeas'd,  I  confess,  to  see  the 
undaunted  Haughtiness  of  your  Courages.     This  very  Fierceness 
which  I  blame,  heightens  the  Hopes  I  conceive  of  our  Designs; 
but  let  not  your  ill-govern'd  Valour  prey  upon  itself,  and  destroy 
with  its  own  Force,  the  Country  you  rise  to  defend.     If  you  per 
sist  in  your  Quarrels,  let  your  Swords  first  be  imbru'd  in  my  Blood, 
already  frozen  with  old  Age.     I  have  liv'd  too  long.     Happy  is 
he  who  dies  before  his  Countrymen  are  unfortunate,  and  unfor 
tunate  by  their  own  Fault.     Attend  then  to  what  I  dare  propose 
for  your  Welfare.     Your  Valour,  O  Casiques,  is  equal,  you  are 
all  equally  illustrious  by  the  Honours  of  the  War,  by  your  Birth, 
by  your  Power  and  Riches,  your   Souls  are  noble  in  an  equal 

98  Degree,  all  worthy  |  to  command,  and  able  to  subdue  our  World. 
Those  heavenly  Gifts  are  the  present  Subject  of  your  great  Con 
tests,  you  want  a  Chief,  and  every  one  of  you  is  equal  to  that 
noble   Charge;  then  since  there  is  no   Difference  between  your 
Courages,  let  the  Strength  of  the  Body  decide  what  the  Equality 
of  your  Virtues  would  keep  undecided  for  ever,  &c."  2 

1 1728  off.     Cf.  Errata. 

2  Araucana,  Canto  II,  stanzas  28-36.  Again  Voltaire's  rendering  cannot  by 
any  means  be  called  a  translation.  In  most  places  the  wording  departs  entirely 
from  the  Spanish  and  there  are  various  additions  and  omissions.  Cf.  Ticknor, 
Hist,  of  Sp.  lit.,  II,  pp.  467-468,  note  11:  "  The  great  praise  of  this  speech  by 
Voltaire,  in  the  Essay  prefixed  to  his  '  Henriade,'  1726,  first  made  the  Araucana 
known  beyond  the  Pyrenees;  and  if  Voltaire  had  read  the  poem  he  pretended 
to  criticise,  he  might  have  done  something  in  earnest  for  its  fame  .  .  .  But 
his  mistakes  are  so  gross  as  to  impair  the  value  of  his  admiration." 

Cf.  also  James  Fitzmaurice-Kelley,  Literature  Espagnole,  Paris,  1913,  p. 
253:  "Voltaire  loua  avec  raison  le  discours  du  vieux  chef  Colocolo;  c'est  pre- 
cise"ment  dans  ce  genre  d'eloquence  declamatoire  qu'  Ercilla  brille,  et  il  a  fait 
mieux  encore  dans  les  discours  de  Lautaro  et  de  Caupolican." 

Rather  than  any  real  desire  to  glorify  Ercilla,  there  appears  in  Voltaire's 
high  praise  of  this  passage,  a  wish  to  exalt  the  savage  at  the  expense  of  the 
civilized  and  to  belittle  the  fame  of  Homer  at  any  cost. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  127 

Then  that  old  Man  proposes  a  Game,  fit  only  for  a  barberous 
Nation,  and  consequently  very  proper.  It  was  to  carry  a  pon 
derous  Beam,  and  he  who  could  sustain  the  Weight  longest,  was 
to  be  the  Chief. 

Now  since  the  best  Way  of  improving  our  Taste,  is  that  of 
comparing  together  Things  of  the  same  Nature,  let  us  bring  in 
the  Discourse  of  Nestor,  in  Opposition  to  this  of  Colocolo,  and 
laying  aside  that  Worship,  which  our  Minds  justly  prejudiced 
pay  to  the  great  Name  of  Homer,  let  the  Reader  weigh  the  two 
Speeches  in  the  Ballance  of  Equity  and  Reason. 

As  soon  as  Achilles  warn'd  and  inspir'd  by  Minerva,  the  God 
dess  of  Wisdom,  has  call'd  Agamemnon  Drunkard,  Dog,  and  Stag, 
the  wise  Nestor  arose  to  calm  the  ruffled  Minds  of  those  Heroes, 
and  among  other  Things  which  I  wave,  to  come  closely  to  the 
Point  of  Comparison,  thus  he  said,  "  What  a  Satisfaction  will  99 
it  be  to  the  Trojans,  when  they  hear  of  your  Dissentions  !  1 
Young  Men,  you  must  respect  my  Years,  and  submit  to  my  Wis 
dom,  I  have  liv'd  in  my  Youth  with  Heroes,  by  far  superior  to 
you,  no,  my  Eyes  will  never  see  such  Men  as  the  undaunted 
Piritous,2  the  bold  Ceneus,  the  divine  Theseus,  &c.  I  went  to 
war  with  them,  and  though  younger,  I  sway'd  their  Strength  by 
my  persuasive  Eloquence;  they  list'n'd3  to,  they  obey'd  Nestor. 
If  in  my  early  Years  they  deem'd  me  so  wise,  you,  young  War 
riors,  attend  to  the  Advice  of  my  old  Age.  Atrides,  do  not  seize 
on  the  Slave  of  Achilles,  you  Son  of  Thetis,  do  not  treat 
our  Prince  with  Pride.  Achilles  is  the  greatest,  the  most  coura- 
gious4  of  the  Warriors,  Agamemnon  is  the  greatest  of  Kings, 
&c."  5  Thus  spoke  the  wise  Nestor,  and  his  Speech  prov'd  en- 

1  1728  Dissensions. 

2  1728  Pirithous.   Cf.  Errata. 

3  1728  listened. 

4  1728  courageous. 

6  Cf .  Iliad,  I,  11.  254-281.  A  comparison  of  Voltaire's  rendering  with  the 
original  and  with  Pope's  translation  (Pope,  Iliad,  I,  11.  339-369)  shows  that  it 
is  far  from  faithful  (cf.  Oeuyres,  VIII,  p.  351,  note  1)  and  makes  it  evident  that 
Voltaire  had  Pope  before  him  as  he  wrote.  Cf.,  for  instance,  Voltaire's  version 
with  the  following  passage  from  Pope,  I,  11.  358-364: 

"  Yet  these  with  soft  persuasive  arts  I  sway'd; 
When  Nestor  spoke,  they  listen'd  and  obey'd. 
If  in  my  youth,  e'en  these  esteem'd  me  wise, 
Do  you,  young  warriors,  hear  my  age  advice. 
Atrides,  seize  not  on  the  beauteous  slave; 
That  prize  the  Greeks  by  common  suffrage  gave: 
Nor  thou,  Achilles,  treat  our  prince  with  pride." 

The  borrowing  is  the  more  evident  when  the  lines  are  compared  with  the 
original.  A  nearly  literal  translation  of  the  corresponding  passage  in  Homer 


128  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

tirely  ineffectual,  for  Agamemnon  commended  his  Eloquence  and 
neglected  the  Advice. 

Let  the  Readers  consider  on  one  Part,  the  Endearments  by 
which  the  barbarous  Colocolo  ingratiates  himself  into  the  Favour 
of  the  Casiques,  the  awful  Majesty  with  which  he  checks  their 

100  Animosity,  the  Tenderness  with  which  he  sof|tens  their  Boister- 
ousness,   how  the  Love  of  his  Country  animates  him,  how  the 
true  Sense  of  Glory  enlivens  his  Speech,  in  what  a  prudent  Manner 
he  praises  their  Valour,   when  he  curbs  their  Fury,  with  what 
Art,  he  gives  Superiority  to  none,  and  is  at  the  same  Time  an 
inoffensive  Censor,  and  a  noble  Panegyrist:  So  that  all  submit 
to  his  Reason,  and  comply  with  his  Advice,  confessing  the  Force 
of  his  Eloquence,  not  by  empty  Commendations,  but  by  a  sudden 
Obedience. 

On  the  other  Side,  one  may  judge,  if  Nestor  is  so  wise  in  talking 
so  much  of  his  Wisdom,  if  it  is  a  good  Way  to  reconcile  the  Atten 
tion  of  the  Greek  Princes,  by  telling  them  that  they  are  by  far 
inferior  to  their  Fore-fathers;  if  to  say  to  Agamemnon,  that  Achilles 
is  the  most  valorous  of  the  present  Chiefs,  ought  to  be  very  accept 
able  to  Agamamnon;1  and  after  having  compar'd  the  haughty 
Talkativeness  of  Nestor,  with  the  modest  Eloquence  of  Colocolo; 
the  Injury  offered  by  one  to  all  the  Greeks,  by  the  offensive  Superi 
ority  ascrib'd  to  their  Predecessors,  with  the  engaging  Praises 
bestow'd  upon  the  Casiques  then  present:  The  odious  Compari 
son  between  the  Power  of  Agamamnon,1  and  the  Valour  of 

101  Achilles;  with  that  equal  Share  of  Grandeur  and  |  Courage  art 
fully  extoll'd  in  all  the  Casiques:    Then  let  the  Reader  pronounce. 
And  if  there  is  a   General  in  the   World,   who  would  hear  his 
inferior  preferred  to  him  in  Point   of    Courage,    if   there   is    any 
Assembly  who  would  bear  without  Resentment  a  Speaker  talking 
to   them   with   Contempt,    and   villifying   them,    by   extolling   at 
their  Expence  their  Predecessors,  let  then  Homer  be  preferr'd  to 
Alonzo  in  that  Particular.2 

reads:  "And  they  laid  to  heart  my  counsels  and  hearkened  to  my  voice.  Even 
so  hearken  ye  also,  for  better  is  it  to  hearken.  Neither  do  thou,  though  thou 
art  very  great,  seize  from  him  his  damsel,  but  leave  her  as  she  was  given  at  the 
first  by  the  sons  of  the  Achaians  to  be  a  meed  of  honour;  nor  do  thou,  son  of 
Peleus,  think  to  strive  with  a  king,  might  against  might"  (translation  of  Lang, 
Leaf  and  Meyers). 

1  1728  Agamemnon. 

2  Cf .  Perrault,  Paralelle,  III,  pp.  48-49:    "Mais  je  ne  puis  prendre  plaisir  a 
voir  le  sage  Nestor  qui  dit  a  Agamemnon  et  a  Achilles,  qu'il  a  converse  avec 
des  gens  qui  valoient  mieux  qu'eux;  et  qui  ajpute,  en  parlant  encore  a  Agamemnon, 
qu'  Achilles  est  plus  vaillant  que  luy.     Cela  n'est  guere  civil  ..." 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  129 

It  is  true,  that  if  Alonzo  is  above  Homer  in  this  Point,  he  is  in 
all  the  rest  inferior  to  the  meanest  of  the  Poets.  It  is  wonderful, 
how  he  falls  so  low  from  so  high  a  Flight.  There  is  undoubtedly 
a  great  deal  of  Fire  in  his  Battles,  but  no  Design,  no  Invention, 
no  Variety  in  the  Descriptions,  no  Unity  in  the  whole  Frame; 
the  Poem  is  more  wild,  then1  the  Nations  who  are  the  Subject 
of  it.  In  the  latter  End  of  the  Work,  Alonzo,  who  is  one  of  the 
chief  Actors  in  the  Poem,  makes  a  long  and  tedious  March  with 
some  Soldiers  by  Night;  and  to  divert  the  Time,  he  raises  a  Dis 
pute  between  them  about  Virgil,  and  chiefly  on  the  Episode  of 
Dido;  Alonzo  takes  his  Opportunity,  in  the  Conversation  of  relat 
ing  the  History  of  Dido,  as  it  is  reported  by  some  antient  Authors, 
and  in  order  to  give  the  Lie2  to  Virgil,  and  to  restore  Dido  to  her 
for|mer  Glory,  he  spends  two  long  Canto's  in  descanting  upon  her.  102 

One  of  the  greatest  Exceptions  besides,  which  may  be  taken 
against  it,  is  that  the  Book  consists  of  thirty-six  long  Cantos. 
The  Reader  will  think  it  probable,  that  a  Man  who  does  not  know 
how  to  stop,  is  not  qualified  to  run  such  a  Carrier.3 

So  many  Defects  have  not  deterred  the  celebrated  Michel* 
Cervantes  from  writing,  that  the  Araucana  may  cope  with  the 
best  Authors  of  Italy.5 

The  Judgement  of  Cervantes  was  misled  in  that  Point  by  an 
overweaning  Inclination  towards  his  Countrymen.  The  true  Love 
of  our  Country  is  to  do  good  to  it,  to  contribute  to  its  Liberty, 
as  far  as  it  lies  in  our  Power;  but  to  contend  only  for  the  Superi 
ority  of  our  Authors,  to  boast  of  having  among  us  better  Poets 
than  our  Neighbors,  is  rather  Self-love  than  Patriotism. 

MILTON.  6 

Milton  is  the  last  in  Europe  who  wrote  an  Epick  Poem,  for 
I  wave  all  those  whose  Attempts  have  been  unsuccessful,  my 

1  1728  than. 

2  1728  Lye. 

3  1728  Career. 

4  1728  Michael. 

6  Don  Quijote  de  la  Mancha,  ed.  Marin,  I,  Capitulo  VI,  pp.  170-171:  "Y 
aqui  vienen  tres,  todos  juntos:  La  Araucana  de  don  Alonso  de  Ercilla,  La  Aus- 
triada  de  Juan  Rufo,  jurado  de  C6rboda,  y  El  Monserrate  de  Crist6bal  de  Viru6s, 
poeta  valenciano. — Todos  esos  tres  libros — dijo  el  Cura — son  los  mejores  que, 
en  verso  heroico,  en  lengua  castellana  estan  escritos,  y  pueden  competir  con 
los  mas  famosos  de  Italia:  gudrdense  como  las  mds  ricas  prendas  de  poesia 
que  tiene  Espana." 

6  John  Milton  (1608-1674)  had  died  about  fifty  years  before  the  time  of  Vol 
taire's  visit  to  England.  Paradise  Lost  appeared  in  1667  but  was  not  duly 
appreciated  until  much  later. 


130  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Intention  being  not  to  descant  on  the  many  who  have  contended 
103  for  the  Prize,  but  to  speak  only  of  the  |  very  few  who  have  gain'd 
it  in  their  respective  Countries.1 

Milton,  as  he  was  travelling  through  Italy  in  his  Youth,  saw 
at  Florence  a  Comedy  call'd  Adamo,  writ  by  one  Andreino  a 
Player,  and  dedicated  to  Mary  de  Medicis  Queen  of  France.2 
The  Subject  of  the  Play  was  the  Fall  of  Man;  the  Actors,  God, 
the  Devils,  the  Angels,  Adam,  Eve,  the  Serpent,  Death,  and  the 
Seven  Mortal  Sins.  That  Topick  so  improper  for  a  Drama,  but 
so  suitable  to  the  absurd  Genius  of  the  Italian  Stage,  (as  it  was 
at  that  Time)  was  handled  in  a  Manner  intirely  conformable  to 
the  Extravagance  of  the  Design.3  The  Scene  opens  with  a 

Cf.  Essai,  p.  352,  Chapter  IX,  Milton.  The  French  chapter  is  shorter 
than  the  English  by  about  one  third.  We  have  already  commented  in  some 
detail  upon  the  marked  difference  in  tone  between  the  French  and  the  English 
and  upon  the  probable  reasons  for  the  change.  Cf.  pp.  68  ff.,  ante.  Our  notes 
will  show  various  omissions  and  alterations  which  helped  to  produce  that  change 
and  tended  in  some  cases  to  make  the  French  chapter  less  liberal  and  of  less 
value  as  a  contribution  to  comparative  literature.  In  the  French  much  un 
trustworthy  biographical  information  was  added. 

1  The  opening  sentence  of  the  French  chapter  reads:   "  On  trouvera  ici,  touch- 
ant  Milton,  quelques  particularities  omises  dans  1'abrege  de  sa  Vie  qui  est  au- 
devant  de  la  traduction  francaise  de  son  Paradis  perdu.     II  n'est  pas  etonnant 
qu'ayant  recherche  avec  soin  en  Angleterre  tout  ce  qui  regarde  ce  grand  homme, 
j'aie  decouvert  des  circonstances  de  sa  vie  que  le  public  ignore."     Some  of  the 
added  information  is  far  from  accurate.     Cf.  Lounsbury,  Shakespeare  and    Vol 
taire,  p.  49.     Enumerating  certain  of  these  inaccuracies  Lounsbury  gives  the 
impression  that  they  were  to  be  found  in  the  English  essay  whereas  they  ap 
peared  only  in  the  French  version. 

2  Giovanni  Battista  Andreini   (1578— cir.   1650)   was    born  in  Florence  and 
died  in  Paris.     He  was  the  author    of  Adamo,  a  mystery  play.     Cf.  Grande 
Encyclopedic,  II,  p.   1042:    "Adamo,  sorte  de  mystere  d'ou  quelques  Italiens 
ont  pretendu  que  Milton,  voyageant  a  cette  epoque  en  Italie,  avait  pris  Fidee 
du  Paradis  perdu.     Ce  n'est  pas  impossible.     Cette  hypothese,  accredited  par 
Rolli,  le  traducteur  italien  du  Paradis  perdu,  a  eu  quelque  cours  en  Angleterre 
et  il  paralt  que  si  le  volume  est  devenu  si  rare  en  Italie  c'est  que  les  Anglais 
en  ont  achete  peu  a  peu  presque  tous  les  exemplaires  connus." 

Cf.  Rolli,  Remarks,  103:  "  It  was  at  Milan,  they  wouldn't  have  borne  with 
it  in  Florence."  In  his  French  essay  Voltaire,  no  doubt  in  accordance  with 
Rolli's  comment,  has  replaced  Florence  by  Milan:  "Milton  .  .  .  vit  representer 
a  Milan  une  comedie  intitulee  Adam."  P.  353. 

In  the  French,  too,  it  is  added  that  Milton  originally  intended  to  write  a 
tragedy  based  on  Andreino's  and  even  went  so  far  as  to  compose  an  act  and  a 
half.  Voltaire  explains  the  source  of  his  information:  "Ce  fait  m'a  et6  assur6 
par  des  gens  de  lettres,  qui  le  tenaient  de  sa  fille,  laquelle  est  morte  lorsque 
j'6tais  a  Londres"  (p.  353). 

3  Cf.  Essai,  p.  353:  "  Ce  sujet,  digne  du  genie  absurde  du  theatre  de  ce  temps- 
la  ..."  and  "J'avertis  seulement  les  Francais  qui  en  riront  que  notre  theatre 
ne  valait  guere  mieux  alors;  que  la  Mori  de,  Saint  Jean-Baptiste,  et  cent  autres 
pieces,  sont  ecrites  dans  ce  style;  mais  que  nous  n'avions  ni  Pastor  fido  ni  Aminte." 

In  this  same  connection  occurs  the  sentence:  "  II  y  a  surtout  dans  ce  sujet 
je  ne  sais  quelle  horreur  t6nebreuse,  un  sublime  sombre  et  triste  qui  ne  convient 
pas  mal  a  I'imagination  anglaise."  Cf.  p.  70,  ante. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  131 

Chorus  of  Angels,  and  a  Cherubim  thus  speaks  for  the  Rest:  "  Let 
the  Rainbow  be  the  Fiddlestick  of  the  Fiddle  of  the  Heavens, 
let  the  Planets  be  the  Notes  of  our  Musick,  let  Time  beat  care 
fully  the  Measure,  and  the  Winds  make  the  Sharps,  &c."  Thus 
the  Play  begins,  and  every  Scene  rises  above  the  last1  in  Pro 
fusion  of  Impertinence. 

Milton  pierc'd  through  the  Absurdity  of  that  Performance  to 
the  hidden  Majesty  of  the  Subject,  which  being  altogether  unfit 
for  the  Stage,  yet  might  be  (for  the  Genius  of  Milton,  and  for 
his  only)  the  Foundation  of  an  Epick  Poem. 

|He  took  from  that  ridiculous  Trifle  the  first  Hint  of  the  noblest  104 
Work,  which  human  Imagination  hath  ever  attempted,  and  which 
he  executed  more  than  twenty  Years  after.2 

In  the  like  Manner,  Pythagoras  ow'd  the  Invention  of  Musick 
to  the  Noise  of  the  Hammer  of  a  Blacksmith.  And  thus  in 
our  Days  Sir  Isaak3  Newton  walking  in  his  Gardens  had  the  first 
Thought  of  his  System  of  Gravitation,  upon  seeing  an  Apple 
falling  from  a  Tree.4 

If  the  Difference  of  Genius  between  Nation  and  Nation,  ever 
appear'd  in  its  full  Light,  'tis  in  Milton's  Paradise  lost.5 

1  1728  first.     Cf.  Errata. 

2  This  enthusiastic  judgment  of  the  poem  is  not  found  in  the  French.     The 
sentence  there  which  may  be  said  to  correspond  to  it  shows  at  the  outset  the 
difference  in  spirit  between  the  two  chapters:    "II  imagina  un  poeme  epique, 
espece  d'ouvrage  dans  lequel  les  hommes  sont  convenus  d'approuver  souvent  le 
bizarre  sous  le  nom  de  merveilleux."     P.  354. 

3 1728  Isaac. 

4  The  story  of  Newton  and  the  apple  does  not  appear  in  the  French  version. 
Voltaire  says  elsewhere  that  it  was  told  him  by  Mrs.  Conduit,  Milton's  niece. 
Oeuvres,  XXII,  pp.  434,  520.   Cf.  Lanson,  Lettres  phil.,  II,  pp.  19-20,  Letter  15, 
Sur  le  Sistime  de  I' attraction:    "  S'etant  retire  en  1666  a  la  campagne  pres  de 
Cambridge,  un  jour  qu'il  se  promenoit  dans  son  jardin,   &  qu'il  vo'ioit  des  fruits 
tomber  d'un  arbre,  il  se  laissa  aller  a  une  meditation  profonde  sur  cette  pesanteur, 
dont  tous  les  Philosophes  ont  cherche'  si  long-terns  la  cause  en  vain."     Ibid., 
II,  p.  31,  Lanson  shows  that  the  source  of  this  part  of  the  letter  is  A  view  of 
Isaac  Newton's  philosophy  by  Dr.  Pemberton,  London,  1728,  but  he  continues 
(p.  33) :    "  On  voit  que  Pemberton  ne  fait  pas  allusion  a  1'anecdote  fameuse 
de  la  pomme.     Voltaire  la  rappelle  .  .  .  Fontenelle  n'en  parle  pas;  et  le  memoire 
que  Conduit  avait  envoye  a  Fontenelle  pour  faire  son  Eloge,  n'en  dit  rien  non 
plus." 

Cf.  Churton  Collins,  V.  M.  R,  p.  33:  "  It  is  perhaps  worth  mentioning  that 
we  owe  to  Voltaire  the  famous  story  of  the  falling  apple.  ...  It  is  not,  so  far 
as  I  can  discover,  to  be  found  in  any  publication  antecedent  to  the  Lettres  sur 
les  Anglais."  Churton  Collins  leaves  out  of  account  this  passage  of  the  English 
Essay  on  Epic  Poetry  which  precedes  by  several  years  the  telling  of  the  story 
in  the  Lettres  philosophiques. 

5  This    idea   is    not   expressed  in  the  French.     The  short  sentence  in  which 
Voltaire  boasts  of  having  made  Milton  known  in  France  (p.  357):    "Je  fus  le 
premier  qui  fis  connaltre  aux  Francais  quelques  morceaux  de  Milton  et  de  Shake- 


132  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

The  French  answer  with  a  scornful  Smile,  when  they  are  told 
there  is  in  England  an  Epick  Poem,  the  Subject  whereof  is  the 
Devil  fighting  against  God,  and  Adam  and  Eve  eating  an  Apple 
at  the  Persuasion  of  a  Snake.  As  that  Topick  hath  afforded 
nothing  among  them,  but  some  lively  Lampoons,  for  which  that 
Nation  is  so  famous;  they  cannot  imagine  it  possible  to  build  an 
Epick  Poem  upon  the  subject  of  their  Ballads.  And  indeed  such 
an  Error  ought  to  be  excused;  for  if  we  consider  with  what  Free 
dom  the  politest  Part  of  Mankind  throughout  all  Europe,  both 
Catholicks  and  Protestants,  are  wont  to  ridicule  in  Conversation 

105 those  consecrated  |  Histories;  nay,  if  those  who  have  the  highest 
Respect  for  the  Mysteries  of  the  Christian  Religion,  and  who  are 
struck  with  Awe  at  some  Parts  of  it,  yet  cannot  forbear  now  and 
then  making  free  with  the  Devil,  the  Serpent,  the  Frailty  of  our 
first  Parents,  the  Rib  which  Adam  was  robb'd  of,  and  the  like; 
it  seems  a  very  hard  Task  for  a  profane  Poet  to  endeavour  to 
remove  those  Shadows  of  Ridicule,  to  reconcile  together  what  is 
Divine  and  what  looks  absurd,  and  to  command  a  Respect  that 
the  sacred  Writers  could  hardly  obtain  from  our  frivolous  Minds.1 
What  Milton  so  boldly  undertook,  he  perform'd  with  a  superior 
Strength  of  Judgement,  and  with  an  Imagination  productive  of 
Beauties  not  dream'd  of  before  him.  The  Meaness2  (if  there 
is  any)  of  some  Parts  of  the  Subject  is  lost  in  the  Immensity  of 
the  Poetical  Invention.  There  is  something  above  the  reach  of 
human  Forces  to  have  attempted  the  Creation  without  Bombast, 
to  have  describ'd  the  Gluttony  and  Curiosity  of  a  Woman  without 
Flatness,  to  have  brought  Probability  and  Reason  amidst  the 
Hurry  of  imaginary  Things  belonging  to  another  World,  and  as 

106  far  remote  from  the  Limits  of  our  Notions  as  they  |  are  from  our 
Earth;  in  short  to  force  the  Reader  to  say,  "  If  God,  if  the  Angels, 
if  Satan  would  speak,  I  believe  they  would  speak  as  they  do  in 
Milton." 

I  have  often  admir'd  how  barren  the  Subject  appears,  and 
how  fruitful  it  grows  under  his  Hands. 

The  Paradise  Lost  is  the  only  Poem  wherein  are  to  be  found  in 
a  perfect  Degree  that  Uniformity  which  satisfies  the  Mind  and 

speare,"  is  not  found  in  the  1733  edition  of  the  Essay,  having  been  added  some 
years  later,  between  1756  and  1768,  as  was  the  passage  defending  Milton  against 
the  charge  of  plagiarism.  Cf.  pp.  159-160,  post. 

1  This  whole  passage   was  omitted  in  the  French. 

2 1728  Meanness. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  133 

that  Variety  which  pleases  the  Imagination.  All  its  Episodes 
being  necessary  Lines  which  aim  at  the  Centre  of  a  perfect  Circle.1 
Where  is  the  Nation  who  would  not  be  pleas'd  with  the  Inter 
view  of  Adam  and  the  Angel  ?  With  the  Mountain  of  Vision, 
with  the  bold  Strokes  which  make  up  the  Relentless,  undaunted, 
and  sly  Character  of  Satan  ?  But  above  all  with  that  sublime 
Wisdom  which  Milton  exerts,  whenever  he  dares  to  describe  God, 
and  to  make  him  speak  ?  He  seems  indeed  to  draw  the  Picture 
of  the  Almighty,  as  like  as  human  Nature  can  reach  to,  through 
the  mortal  Dust  in  which  we  are  clouded. 

The  Heathens  always,  the  Jews  often,  and  our  Christian  Priests 
sometimes,  represent  God  as  a  Tyrant  infinitely  powerful.  But 
the  God  of  Milton  is  always  a  Creator,  a  Father,  and  a  Judge, 
nor  is  his  Vengeance  jarring  with  his  Mercy,  |  nor  his  Predetermi- 
nations  repugnant  to  the  Liberty  of  Man.  These  are  the  Pic 
tures  which  lift  up  indeed  the  Soul  of  the  Reader.  Milton  in 
that  Point  as  well  as  in  many  others  is  as  far  above  the  ancient 
Poets  as  the  Christian  Religion  is  above  the  Heathen  Fables.2 

But  he  hath  especially  an  indisputable  Claim  to  the  unanimous 
Admiration  of  Mankind,  when  he  descends  from  those  high  Flights 
to  the  natural  Description  of  human  Things.  It  is  observable  that 
in  all  other  Poems  Love  is  represented  as  a  Vice,  in  Milton  only 
'tis  a  Virtue.  The  Pictures  he  draws  of  it,  are  naked  as  the  Per 
sons  he  speaks  of,  and  as  venerable.  He  removes  with  a  chaste 
Hand  the  Veil  which  covers  everywhere  else  the  enjoyments  of 
that  Passion.  There  is  Softness,  Tenderness  and  Warmth  without 
Lasciviousness;  the  Poet  transports  himself  and  us,  into  that  State 
of  innocent  Happiness  in  which  A  dam  and  Eve  continued  for  a 
short  Time:  He  soars  not  above  human,  but  above  corrupt  Nature, 
and  as  there  is  no  Instance  of  such  Love,  there  is  none  of  such 
Poetry.3 

1  None  of  the  very  favorable  comment  contained  in  this  and  in  the  preceding 
sentences  is  found  in  the  French  chapter. 

2  Cf.  Addison  in  Spectator,  II,  p.  386:  "  [Milton's]  survey  of  the  whole  Creation 
...  is  ...  as  much  above  that,  in  which  Virgil  has   drawn  his  Jupiter,  as  the 
Christian  Idea  of  the  Supreme  Being  is  more  Rational  and  Sublime  than  that 
of  the  Heathens."     All  the  praise  of  Milton's  treatment  of  God  is  reduced  in 
the  French  to  the  sentence:  "On  admira  les  traits  majesteux  avec  lesquels  il 
ose  peindre  Dieu." 

3Cf.  Addison  in  Spectator,  II,  p.  504:  "The  Love  which  is  described  in  it 
is  every  way  suitable  to  a  State  of  Innocence  .  .  .  The  Sentiments  are  chaste, 
but  not  cold;  and  convey  to  the  Mind  Ideas  of  the  most  transporting  Passion, 
and  of  the  greatest  Purity."  The  last  sentence  "He  soars  .  .  .  poetry"  is 
translated  exactly  in  the  French  essay. 


134  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

How  then  it  came  to  pass  that  the  Paradise  Lost  had  been  so 

long  neglected,  (nay  almost  unknown)  in  England,  (till  the  Lord 

IQgSommers1  in    some    Measure    taught  \   Mankind   to  admire  it,)  is 

a  Thing  which  I  cannot  reconcile,  neither  with  the  Temper,  nor 

with  the  Genius  of  the  English  Nation. 

The  Duke  of  Buckingham2  in  his  Art  of  Poetry  gives  the 
Preference  to  Spencer.  It  is  reported  in  the  Life  of  the  Lord 
Rochester,3  that  he  had  no  Notion  of  a  better  Poet  than  Cowley. 

Mr.  Dryden's  Judgement  on  Milton  is  still  more  unaccountable. 
He  hath  bestow'd  some  Verses  upon  him,  in  which  he  puts  him 
upon  a  Level  with,  nay  above  Virgil  and  Homer; 

The  Force  of  Nature  could  not  further  go, 
To  make  a  third  she  join'd  the  former  two.4 

The  same  Mr.  Dryden  in  his  Preface  upon  his  Translation  of 
the  JEneid,  ranks  Milton  with  Chapellain  and  Lemoine  the  most 
impertinent  Poets  who  ever  scribbled.5  How  he  could  extol 
him  so  much  in  his  Verses,  and  debase  him  so  low  in  his  Prose,  is 
a  Riddle  which,  being  a  Foreigner,  I  cannot  understand.6 

In  short  one  would  be  apt  to  think  that  Milton  has7  not  ob 
tained  his  true  Reputation  till  Mr.  Adisson,8  the  best  Critick 
as  well  as  the  best  Writer  of  his  Age,  pointed  out  the  most  hidden 
Beauties  of  the  Paradise  Lost,  and  settled  forever  its  Reputation.9 
109  |  It  is  an  easy  and  a  pleasant  Task  to  take  Notice  of  the  many 
Beauties  of  Milton  which  I  call  universal:  But  'tis  a  ticklish 


1  Lord  John  Somers,  1651-1716,  a  politician  and  writer  of  poems,  pamphlets, 
etc.     He  encouraged  the  publisher  Tonson  to  re-edit  the  Paradise  Lost. 

2  John  Sheffield,  Duke  of  Buckingham,  1648-1721,  author  of  a  rhymed  Essay 
on  Poetry  first  published  in  1682  and  highly  praised  by  Pope  and  Addison.     Cf. 
Spingarn,  Critical  Essays  of  the  Seventeenth  Century,  II,  pp.  286-296. 

3  John  Wilmot,  Earl  of  Rochester,  1647-1680.     Cf .  Spingarn,  II,  pp.  282-285. 

4  These  lines  were  published  under  Milton's  portrait  in  Tonson's  folio  edition 
of  the  Paradise  Lost,  1688,  issued  under  the  patronage  of  Lord  Somers.     Cf. 
Dryden,    Works,    XI,  p.  162. 

6IUd.,  XIV,  p.  144. 

6  Cf .  Essai,  p.  359:   "  C'est  ce  grand  nombre  de  fautes  grossieres  qui  fit  sans 
doute  dire  a  Dryden,  dans  sa  preface  sur  V  Eneide,  que  Milton  ne  vaut  guere 
mieux  que  notre  Chapelain  et  notre  Lemoyne;  mais  aussi  ce  sont  les  beaut^s 
admirables  de  Milton  qui  ont  fait  dire  a  ce  meme  Dryden  que  la  nature  1'avait 
forme"  de  Tame  d'Homere  et  de  celle  de  Virgile."     Cf.  p.  68,  ante. 

7  1728  had. 

8 1728  Addison. 

9  The  letters  on  Milton  appeared  in  the  Spectator  on  Saturdays,  between 
January  5  and  May  3,  1721. 

Cf.  Essai,  p.  356:  "  Depuis,  le  celebre  M.  Addison  6crivit  en  forme,  pour 
prouver  que  ce  poeme  £galait  ceux  de  Virgile  et  d'Hom£re.  Les  Anglais 
commencerent  a  se  le  persuader,  et  la  reputation  de  Milton  fut  fixee." 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  135 

Undertaking  to  point  out  what  would  be  reputed  a  Fault  in  any 
other  Country. 

I  am  very  far  from  thinking  that  one  Nation  ought  to  judge 
of  its  Productions  by  the  Standard  of  another,  nor  do  I  presume 
that  the  French  (for  Example)  who  have  no  Epick  Poets,  have 
any  Right  to  give  Laws  on  Epick  Poetry.1 

But  I  fancy  many  English  Readers,  who  are  acquainted  with 
the  French  language,  will  not  be  displeas'd  to  have  some  Notion 
of  the  Taste  of  that  Country:  And  I  hope  they  are  too  just  either 
to  submit  to  it,  or  despise  it  barely  upon  the  Score  of  its  being 
foreign  to  them.2 

Would  each  Nation  attend  a  little  more  than  they  do,  to  the 
Taste  and  the  Manners  of  their  respective  Neighbours,  perhaps 
a  general  good  Taste  might  diffuse  itself  through  all  Europe  from 
such  an  intercourse  of  Learning,  and  from  that  useful  Exchange 
of  Observations.3  The  English  Stage,  for  Example,  might  be 
clear'd  of  mangled  Carcasses,  and  the  Style  of  their  tragick  Authors, 
come  down  from  their  forced  Metaphorical  Bombast  to  a  nearer 
Imitation  of  Nature.  The  French  would  learn  from  the  English 
to  animate  their  Tragedies  with  more  |  Action,  and  would  con- 110 
tract  now  and  then  their  long  Speeches  into  shorter  and  warmer 
Sentiments.4 

The  Spaniards  would  introduce  in  their  Plays  more  Pictures 
of  human  Life,  more  Characters  and  Manners,  and  not  puzzle 

1  Omitted  in  the  French. 

2  A  direct  plea  for  the  Henriade.     This  sentence  naturally  did  not  appear 
in  the  French. 

3  This  sentence  is  found  in  the  French  essay  at  the  end  of  the  introduction 
where  it  seems  logically  to  belong. 

4  The  comparison  of  the  French  and  English  stage  has  been  transferred  to 
the  introductory  chapter  of  the  French  essay.     Cf.   Discours  sur  la  Tragedie, 
Oeuvres,  II,  p.  314,  318:  "  II  a  manque  jusqu'a  present  a  presque  tous  les  auteurs 
tragiques  de  votre  nation  [England]  cette  purete,  cette  conduite  reguliere,  ces 
bienseances  de  1'action  et  du  style,  cette  elegance,  et  toutes  ces  finesses  de  Fart 
qui  ont  e"tabli  la  reputation  du  theatre  frangais  depuis  le  grand  Corneille;  mais 
vos  pieces  les  plus  irre'gulieres  ont  un  grand  merite,  c'est  celui  de  1'action  .  .  . 
Nous  avons  en  France  des  tragedies  estimees,  qui  sont  plutot  des  conversations 
qu'elles  ne  sont  la  representation  d'un  evenement  .  .  .  Je  suis  bien  loin  de  pro 
poser  que  la  scene  devienne  un  lieu  de  carnage,  comme  elle  Test  dans  Shakes 
peare  et  dans  ses  successeurs."   Cf.  Essai,  p.  307:  "  Chez  les  Frangais,  c'est  pour 
1'ordinaire  une  suite  de  conversations  en  cinq  actes,  avec  une  intrigue  amour- 
euse.      En  Angleterre,  la  trage"die  est  v4ritablement  une  action."     Cf.  Lanson, 
Lettres  phil.,  II,  p.  139:  "  Les  Anglais  ont  beaucoup  profite  des  ouvrages  de  notre 
langue,  nous  devrions  a  notre  tour  emprunter  d'eux    apres    leur    avoir  pret6: 
nous  ne  sommes  venus,  les  Anglais    &  nous,  qu'apres  les  Italiens  qui  en  tout 
ont  e"te  nos  maitres,    &  que  nous  avons  surpasses  en  quelque  chose.     Je  ne  sgai 
a  laquelle  des  trois  nations  il  faudra  donner  la  preference;  mais  heureux  celui 
qui   sait  sentir  leurs  diffe"rens  me"rites." 


136  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

themselves  always  in  the  Entanglements  of  confus'd  Adventures, 
more  romantick  than  natural.  The  Italian  in  Point  of  Tragedy 
would  catch  the  Flame  from  the  English,  and  all  the  Rest  from 
the  French.  In  Point  of  Comedy,  they  would  learn  from  Mr. 
Congreve1  and  some  other  Authors,  to  prefer  Wit  and  Humour 
to  Buffoonery. 

To  proceed  in  that  View,  I'll  venture  to  say  that  none  of  the 
French  Criticks  could  like  the  Excursions  which  Milton  makes 
sometimes  beyond  the  strict  Limits  of  his  Subject.2  They  lay 
down  for  a  Rule  that  an  Author  himself  ought  never  to  appear 
in  his  Poem;  and  his  own  Thoughts,  his  own  Sentiments  must  be 
spoken  by  the  Actors  he  introduces.  Many  judicious  Men  in 
England  comply  with  that  Opinion,  and  Mr.  Adisson3  favours 
it.4  I  beg  Leave  in  this  place  to  hazard  a  Reflection  of  my  own, 
which  I  submit  to  the  Reader's  Judgement. 

Milton  breaks  the  Thread  of  his  Narration  in  two  Manners. 
The  first  consists  of  two  or  three  kinds  of  Prologues,  which  he 
premises  at  the  Beginning  of  some  Books.  In  one  Place  he  expa 
tiates  upon  his  own  Blindness;  in  another  he  compares  his  Sub 
ject  and  prefers  it  to  that  of  the  Iliad,  and  to  the  common  Topicks 
of  War,  which  were  thought  before  him  the  only  Subject  fit  for 
Epick  Poetry;  and  he  adds  that  he  hopes  to  soar  as  high  as  all 
his  Predecessors,  unless  the  cold  Climate  of  England  damps  his 
Wings. 

His  other  Way  of  interrupting  his  Narration,  is  by  some  Obser 
vations  which  he  intersperses  now  and  then  upon  some  great 

1  William    Congreve,    English    dramatist,    1670-1729.     Cf.    Lanson,    Lettres 
phil,  II,  p.  108;  p.  104,  note  7,  ante. 

2  In  the  French   essay   Voltaire  enumerates,   as  having   displeased   French 
critics,  most  of  the  parts  of  Paradise  Lost  which  he  had  mentioned  in  the  English, 
as  likely  to  displease  them.     Cf . :    "  Mais  tous  les  critiques  judicieux,  dont  la 
France  est  pleine,  se  r6unirent  a  trouver  que  le  diable  parle  trop  souvent"  (p.  357) 
and  the  closing  sentence:   "  Lorsque  j'etais  a  Londres,  j'osai  composer  en  anglais 
un  petit  Essai  sur  la  poesie  epique,  dans  lequel  je  pris  la  liberte  de  dire  que  nos 
bons  juges  francais  ne  manqueraient  pas  de  relever  toutes  les  fautes  dont  je 
viens  de  parler.     Ce  que  j'avais  pre"vu  est  arriv6  ..."     P.  360. 

3 1728  Addison. 

4  Cf .  Addison  in  Spectator,  II,  pp.  318,  319:  "  In  the  Structure  of  his  Poem 
he  has  likewise  admitted  of  too  many  Digressions.  It  is  finely  observed  by 
Aristotle,  that  the  Author  of  an  Heroic  Poem  should  seldom  speak  himself  .  .  . 
Milton's  Complaint  [for]  his  Blindness,  his  Panegyrick  on  Marriage,  his  Re 
flections  on  Adam  and  Eve's  going  naked,  of  the  Angels  eating,  and  several 
other  Passages  in  his  Poem,  are  liable  to  the  same  Exception,  tho'  I  must  confess 
there  is  so  great  a  Beauty  in  these  very  Digressions,  that  I  would  not  wish  them 
out  of  his  Poem." 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  137 

Incident,  or  some  interesting  Circumstance.     Of  that  Kind  is  his 
Digression  on  Love  in  the  fourth  Book; 

Whatever  Hippocrites1  austerely  talk 
Defaming  as  impure,  what  God  declares 
Pure,  and  commands  to  some,  leaves  free  to  all. 
Our  Maker  bids  increase,  who  bids  abstain 
But  our  Destroyer  foe  to  God  and  Men  ? 
Hail  wedded  Love,  &c.* 

As  to  the  first  of  these  two  Heads,  I  cannot  but  own  that  an 
Author  is  generally  guilty  of  an  impardonable  Self-love,  when  he 
lays  aside  his  Subject  to  descant  on  his  own  Person;  but  that 
human  Frailty  is  to  be  forgiven  in  Milton;  nay,  I  am  pleas'd  with 
it.  He  gratifies  the  Curiosity,  it  raises  in  me  about  his  Person, 
when  I  admire  the  Author,  I  dessre3  j  to  know  something  of  112 
the  Man,  and  he  whom  all  Readers  would  be  glad  to  know,  is 
allow'd  to  speak  of  himself.  But  this  however  is  a  very  dangerous 
Example  for  a  Genius  of  an  inferior  Order,  and  is  only  to  be  justi 
fied  by  Success. 

As  to  the  second  Point  I  am  so  far  from  looking  on  that  Liberty 
as  a  Fault,  that  I  think  it  to  be  a  great  Beauty.4  For  if  Morality 
is  the  aim  of  Poetry,  I  do  not  apprehend  why  the  Poet  should  be 
forbidden  to  intersperse  his  Descriptions  with  moral  Sentences 
and  useful  Reflexions,5  provided  he  scatters  them  with  a  sparing 
Hand,  and  in  proper  Places  either  when  he  wants  Personages  to 
utter  those  Thoughts,  or  when  their  Character  does  not  permit 
them  to  speak  in  the  Behalf  of  Virtue. 

'Tis  strange  that  Homer  is  commended  by  the  Criticks  for  his 
comparing  Ajax  to  an  Ass6  pelted  away  with  Stones  by  some 

1  1728  Hypocrites. 

2  Milton,  Paradise  Lost,  IV,  11.  744-750.   Line  745  ("Of  purity  and  place,  and 
innocence,")  is  omitted  by  Voltaire. 

3  1728  desire. 

4  The  discussion  of  Milton's  digressions  did  not  find  a  place  in  the  French. 

5  1728  Reflections. 

6  Cf.  Le  Bossu,  I,  p.  210:   "  On  raille  fort  la  comparison  d'Ajax  avec  un  asne, 
qu'Homere   a   emploie'e   dans   1'Iliade.     Elle   seroit   maintenant   indecente     & 
ridicule  parcequ'il  seroit  ridicule  &  indecent  a  un  Seigneur  de  se  servir  de  cette 
monture.     Mais  cet  animal  4toit  plus  noble  autrefois,  les  Rois    &  les  Princes 
ne  les  d^daignoient  pas  comme  font  les  Bourgeois  aujourd'hui."     Ibid.,  p.  211: 
"  [La  comparison]  d'Ulysses  a  de  la  Graisse.     Le  Saint-Esprit  meme  qui  ne 
peut  avoir  de  mauvais  gout,  commence  I'eloge  du  Roi  David  par  cette  id6e: 
David  est  comme  de  la  graisse  toute  pure.     En  ces  premiers  temps  ou  Ton 
sacrifioit  des  animaux  dans  la  Religion  veritable  aussi  bien  que  dans  la  fausse, 
le  sang  et  la  graisse  6toient  les  choses  les  plus  nobles,  les  plus  augustes  et  les 
plus  saintes." 


138  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Children,  Ulysses  to  a  Pudding,  the  Council-board  of  Priam  to 
Grashoppers.  'Tis  strange,  I  say,  that  they  defend  so  clamor 
ously  those  Similes  tho'  never  so  foreign  to  the  Purpose,  and  will 
not  allow  the  natural  Reflexions,1  the  noble  Digressions  of  Mil 
ton  tho'  never  so  closely  link'd  to  the  Subject.2 

I  will  not  dwell  upon  some  small  Errors  of  Milton,  which  are 
113  obvious  to  eve|ry  Reader,  I  mean  some  few  Contradictions  and 
those  frequent  Glances  at  the  Heathen  Mythology,3  which  Fault 
by  the  by  is  so  much  the  more  unexcusable4  in  him,  by  his  hav 
ing  premis'd  in  his  first  Book  that  those  Divinities  were  but  Devils 
worshipp'd  under  different  Names,  which  ought  to  have  been  a 
sufficient  Caution  to  him  not  to  speak  of  the  Rape  of  Proserpine, 
of  the  Wedding  of  Juno  and  Jupiter,  &c.  as  Matters  of  Fact. 

1  lay  aside  likewise  his  preposterous  and  aukward  Jests,   his 
Puns,  his  too  familiar  Expressions  so  inconsistent  with  the  Eleva 
tion  of  his  Genius,  and  of  his  Subject. 

To  come  to  more  essential  Points  and  more  liable  to  be  debated. 
I  dare  affirm  that  the  Contrivance  of  the  Pandaemonium  would 
have  been  entirely  disapprov'd  of  by  Criticks  like  Boyleau,* 
Racine,  &c. 

That  Seat  built  for  the  Parliament  of  the  Devils,  seems  very 
preposterous:  Since  Satan  hath  summon'd  them  altogether,  and 
harangu'd  them  just  before  in  an  ample  Field.  The  Council  was 
necessary;  but  where  it  was  to  be  held,  'twas  very  indifferent. 
The  Poet  seems  to  delight  in  building  his  Pandaemonium  in  Doric 
Order  with  Freeze  and  Cornice,  and  a  Roof  of  Gold.8  Such 
a  Contrivance  savours  more  of  the  wild  Fancy  of  our  Father 
Moine,  then7  of  the  serijous  spirit  of  Milton.  But  when 

1 1728  Reflections. 

2  This  unfavorable  allusion  to   Homer  seems  very  forced.     There  is  little 
connection  between  his  comparisons  and  Milton's  digressions.     It  is  interesting 
to  compare  with  this  passage,  which  does  not  appear  in  the  French,  another 
which  does:    "On  a  reproche  a  Homere  de  longues  et  inutiles  harangues,  et 
surtout  les  plaisanteries  de  ses  h6ros ;  comment  souff rir  dans  Milton  les  harangues 
et  les  railleries  des  anges  et  des  diables  pendant  la  bataille  qui  se  donne  dans 
le  ciel  ?"     Essai,  p.  359. 

3  Cf .  Addison  in  Spectator,  II,  p.  319:    "Another  Blemish  [that]  appears  in 
some  of  his  Thoughts,  is  his  frequent  Allusion  to  Heathen  Fables,  which  are 
not  certainly  of  a  Piece  with  the  Divine  Subject,  of  which  he  treats."     Cf.  p. 
110,  note  2,  ante. 

4  1728  inexcusable. 

6  1728  Boileau. 

4  Cf .  Addison  in  Spectator,  II,  p.  321 :  "When  he  is  upon  Building  he  mentions 
Doric  Pillars,  Pilasters,  Cornice,  Freeze,  Architrave." 

7  1728  than. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  139 

afterwards  the  Devils  turn  dwarfs  to  fill  their  Places  in  the  House, 
as  if  it  was  impracticable  to  build  a  Room  large  enough  to  con 
tain  them  in  their  natural  Size;  it  is  an  idle  Story  which  would 
match  the  most  extravagant  Tales.  And  to  crown  all,  Satan 
and  the  chief  Lords  preserving  their  own  monstrous  Forms,  while 
the  rabble  of  the  Devils  shrink  into  Pigmees,1  heightens  the 
Ridicule  of  the  whole  Contrivance  to  an  unexpressible  Degree. 
Methinks  the  true  Criterion  for  discerning  what  is  really  ridicu 
lous  in  an  Epick  Poem,  is  to  examine  if  the  same  Thing  would 
not  fit  exactly  the  Mock  heroick.  Then  I  dare  say  that  no-thing 
is  so  adapted  to  that  ludicrous  way  of  Writing  as  the  Metamor 
phosis  of  the  Devils  into  Dwarfs. 

The  Fiction  of  Death  and  Sin  seems  to  have  in  it  some  great 
Beauties  and  many  gross  Defects.2  In  order  to  canvass  this 
Matter  with  Order.  We  must  first  lay  down  that  such  shadowy 
Beings,  as  Death,  Sin,  Chaos,  are  intolerable  when  they  are  not 
allegorical.3  For  Fiction  is  nothing  but  Truth  in  Disguise.  It 
must  be  granted  too,  that  an  Allegory  must  be  short,  decent  and 
noble.  For  an  Allegory  carried  too  far  or  too  low,  is  like  a  beau 
tiful  Woman  who  wears  always  a  |  Mask.  An  Allegory  is  a  long  115 
Metaphor;  and  to  speak  too  long  in  metaphor's  must  be  tire- 
som,4  because  unnatural.  This  being  premis'd,  I  must  say  that 
in  general  those  Fictions,  those  imaginary  beings,  are  more  agree 
able  to  the  Nature  of  Milton's  Poem,  than  to  any  other;  because 
he  hath  but  two  natural  Persons  for  his  Actors,  I  mean  Adam 
and  Eve.  A  great  Part  of  the  Action  lies  in  imaginary  Worlds, 
and  must  of  course  admit  of  imaginary  Beings. 

1  1728  Pigmies. 

2  It  is  related  that  while  Voltaire  was  at  Eastbury,  the  guest  of  Doddington, 
probably  in  1727,  an  argument  arose  concerning  Paradise  Lost.     Voltaire  crit 
icized  severely  the  episode  of  Death  and  Sin  and  the  poet  Young  who  was  de 
fending  Milton  was  inspired  to  make  an  epigram: 

"  You  are  so  witty,  profligate  and  thin, 

At  once  we  think  thee  Milton,  Death  and  Sin." 

Some  years  later  Young  referred  to  this  incident  in  a  poem  called  Sea  Piece 
which  he  dedicated  to  Voltaire: 

"  On  Dorset's  downs,  when  Milton's  page, 
With  sin  and  Death  provoked  thy  rage, 
Thy  rage  provoked,  who  soothed  with  gentle  rhymes?" 

Cf.  Churton  Collins,  V.  M.  R.,  p.  31;  Ballantyne,  pp.  96  ff;  Foulet,  Com,  p. 
37,  note  3. 

3Cf.  Addison  in  Spectator,  II,  p.  235:  "  He  has  brought  into  it  two  Actors  of 
a  Shadowy  and  Ficticious  Nature,    in  the  Persons  of  Sin  and   Death  ...  I 
cannot  think  that  Persons  of  such  a  Chymerical  Existence  are  proper  Actors 
in  an  Epic  Poem." 
4 1728  tiresome. 


140  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Then  Sin  springing  out  of  the  Head  of  Satan,  seems  a  beautiful 
Allegory  of  Pride,  which  is  look'd  upon  as  the  first  Offence  com 
mitted  against  God.  But  I  question  if  Satan,  getting  his  Daughter 
with  Child,  is  an  Invention  to  be  approv'd  off.1  I  am  afraid 
that  Fiction  is  but  a  meer  Quibble;  for  if  Sin  was  of  a  masculine 
Gender  in  English,  as  it  is  in  all  the  other  Languages,2  that  whole 
Affair  Drops,  and  the  Fiction  vanishes  away.  But  suppose  we 
are  not  so  nice,  and  we  allow  Satan  to  be  in  Love  with  Sin,  because 
this  Word  is  made  feminine  in  English  (as  Death  passes  also  for 
masculine)  what  a  horrid  and  loathsome  Idea  does  Milton  present 
to  the  Mind,  in  this  Fiction  ?  Sin  brings  forth  Death,  this  Mon 
ster  inflam'd  with  Lust  and  Rage,  lies  with  his  Mother,  as  she 
116  had  done  with  her  Father.  From  |  that  new  Commerce,  springs 
a  Swarm  of  Serpents,  which  creep  in  and  out  of  their  Mother's 
Womb,  and  gnaw  and  tear  the  Bowels  they  are  born  from. 

Let  such  a  Picture  be  never  so  beautifully  drawn,  let  the 
Allegory  be  never  so  obvious,  and  so  clear,  still  it  will  be  intol 
erable,  on  the  Account  of  its  Foulness.  That  Complication  of 
Horrors,  that  Mixture  of  Incest,  that  Heap  of  Monsters,  that 
Loathsomeness  so  far  fetch'd,  cannot  but  shock  a  Reader  of 
delicate  Taste. 

But  what  is  more  intolerable,  there  are  Parts  in  that  Fiction, 
which  bearing  no  Allegory  at  all,  have  no  Manner  of  Excuse. 
There  is  no  Meaning  in  the  Communication  between  Death  and 
Sin,  'tis  distasteful  without  any  Purpose;  or  if  any  Allegory  lies 
under  it,  the  filthy  Abomination  of  the  Thing  is  certainly  more 
obvious  than  the  Allegory. 

I  see  with  Admiration,  Sin,  the  Portress  of  Hell,  opening  the 
Gates  of  the  Abiss,3  but  unable  to  shut  them  again;  that  is 
really  beautiful,  because  'tis  true.4  But  what  signifies  Satan 
and  Death  quarrelling  together,  grinning  at  one  another,  and 
ready  to  fight  ? 

The  Fiction  of  Chaos,  Night,  and  Discord,  is  rather  a  Picture, 
than  an  Allegory;  and  for  ought  I  know,  deserves  |  to  be  approv'd, 
because  it  strikes  the  Reader  with  Awe,  not  with  Horror. 

1  know  the  Bridge  built  by  Death  and  Sin,  would  be  dislik'd 

1 1728  of. 

2  Cf.  die  Siinde. 
3 1728  Abyss. 

4Cf.  Addison  in  Spectator,  II,  p.  367:  "And  how  properly  Sin  is  made  the 
Portress  of  Hell,  and  the  only  Being  that  can  open  the  Gates  to  that  World  of 
Tortures." 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  141 

in  France.  The  nice  Oiticks  of  that  Country  would  urge  against 
that  Fiction,  that  it  seems  too  common,  and  that  it  is  useless; 
for  Men's  Souls  want  no  paved  Way,  to  be  thrown  into  Hell, 
after  their  Separation  from  the  Body. 

They  would  laugh  justly  at  the  Paradise  of  Fools,  at  the  Her 
mits,  Fryars,  Cowles,1  Beads,  Indulgences,2  Bulls,  Reliques,  toss'd 
by  the  Winds,  at  St.  Peter's  waiting  with  his  Keys  at  the  Wicket  of 
Heaven.  And  surely  the  most  passionate  Admirers  of  Milton, 
could  not  vindicate  those  low  comical  Imaginations,  which  belong 
by  Right  to  Ariosto.3 

Now  the  sublimest  of  all  the  Fictions  calls  me  to  examine  it. 
I  mean  the  War  in  Heaven.  The  Earl  of  Roscommon,*  and 
Mr.  Addison  (whose  Judgement  seems  either  to  guide,  or  to  justify 
the  Opinion  of  his  Countrymen)  admire  chiefly  that  Part  of  the 
Poem.  They  bestow  all  the  Skill  of  their  Criticism  and  the 
Strength  of  their  Eloquence,  to  set  off  that  favourite  Part.5 
I  may  affirm,  that  the  very  Things  they  admire,  would  not  be 
tolerated  by  the  French  Criticks.  The  Reader  will  perhaps  see 
with  Pleasure,  in  \  what  consists  so  strange  a  Difference,  and  what  118 
may  be  the  Ground  of  it. 

First,  they  would  assert,  that  a  War  in  Heaven  being  an  imagi 
nary  Thing,  which  lies  out  of  the  Reach  of  our  Nature,  should 
be  contracted  in  two  or  three  Pages,  rather  than  lengthen'd  out 
into  two  Books;  because  we  are  naturally  impatient  of  removing 
from  us  the  Objects  which  are  not  adapted  to  our  Senses. 

According  to  that  Rule,  they  would  maintain  that  'tis6  an 
idle  Task  to  give  the  Reader  the  full  Character  of  the  Leaders 
of  that  War,  and  to  describe  Raphael,  Michael,  Abdiel,  Moloch, 
and  Nisroth,  as  Homer  paints  Ajax,  Diomede,  and  Hector. 

For  what  avails  it  to  draw  at  length  the  Picture  of  these  Beings, 
so  utterly  Strangers  to  the  Reader,  that  he  cannot  be  affected  any 
Way  towards  them;  by  the  same  Reason,  the  long  Speeches  of 

1 1728  Cowls. 

2 1728  Indulgences. 

3  Cf .  Essai,  p.  358:    "Voila  des  imaginations  dont  tout  lecteur  sense"  a  e'te' 
revolt^ ;  et  il  faut  que  le  poeme  soit  bien  beau  d'ailleurs  pour  qu'on  ait  pu  le  lire, 
malgre  1'ennui  que  doit  causer  cet  amas  de  folies  de"sagre"ables." 

4  Wentworth,  Dillon,  Earl  of  Roscommon,   1633?-1685,   Essay  on  Translated 
Verse,    1684.     Cf.  Spingarn,  Critical  Essays  of  the  Seventeenth  Century,  II,  pp. 
297-309.     Roscommon's  essay  was  praised  by  Addison,  Spectator,  II,  p.   166. 

5  Cf.  Earl  of  Roscommon,  Essay  on  Translated  Verse,  ed.    Spingarn,  pp.  308, 
309;  Addison  in  Spectator,  II,  pp.  436,  500;  ibid.,  Ill,  p.  4. 

8 1728  it  is. 


142  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

these  imaginary  Warriors,  either  before  the  Battle  or  in  the  Middle 
of  the  Action,  their  mutual  Insults,  seem  an  injudicious  Imita 
tion  of  Homer. 

The  aforesaid  Criticks  would  not  bear  with  the  Angels  plucking 
up  the  Mountains,  with  their  Woods,  their  Waters,  and  their 
Rocks,  and  flinging  them  on  the  Heads  of  their  Enemies.  Such 

119  a  Contrivance  (they  would  say)  is  the  |  more  puerile,  the  more 
it  aims  at  Greatness.     Angels  arm'd  with  Mountains  in  Heaven, 
resemble  too  much  the  Dipsodes  in  Rabelais,  who  wore  an  Armour 
of  Portland  Stone  six  Foot  thick.1 

The  Artillery  seems  of  the  same  Kind,  yet  more  trifling,  because 
more  useless. 

To  what  Purpose  are  these  Engines  brought  in  ?  Since  they 
cannot  wound  the  Enemies,  but  only  remove  them  from  their 
Places,  and  make  them  tumble  down:  Indeed  (if  the  Expression 
may  be  forgiven)  'tis  to  play  at  Nine-Pins.  And  the  very  Thing 
which  is  so  dreadfully  great  on  Earth,  becomes  very  low  and 
ridiculous  in  Heaven. 

I  cannot  omit  here,  the  visible  Contradiction  which  reigns  in 
that  Episode.  God  sends  his  faithful  Angels  to  fight,  to  conquer 
and  to  punish  the  Rebels.  Go  (says  He,  to  Michael  and  Gabriel) 

And  to  the  Brow  of  Heaven 

Pursuing,  drive  them  out  from  God  and  Bliss, 
Into  their  Place  of  Punishment,  the  Gulph 
Of  Tartarus,  which  ready  opens  wide 
His  fiery  Chaos  to  receive  their  Fall.2 

How  does  it  come  to  pass,  after  such  a  positive  Order,  that 
the  Battle  hangs  doubtful  ?  And  why  did  God  the  Father  com- 

120  mand  Gabriel  and  Raphael,  to  |  do  what  He  executes  afterwards 
by  his  Son  only. 

I  leave  it  to  the  Readers,  to  pronounce,  if  these  Observations 
are  right,  or  ill-grounded,  and  if  they  are  carried  to3  far.  But 
in  case  these  Exceptions  are  just,  the  severest  Critick  must  how- 

1  Cf .  Rabelais,  Pantagruel,  Book  I,  Chap.  XXVIII:    "Comment  Pantagruel 
eut  victoire  bien  estrangement  des  Dipsodes  et  des  Geans."     Chap.  XXIX: 
"Comment  Pantagruel  deffit  les  troys  cens  G6ans  armez  de  pierre  de  taille." 

Portland  stone,  from  quarries  on  the  Isle  of  Portland,  a  peninsula  off  Dorset 
shire,  was  used  in  the  construction  of  many  English  buildings,  notably  St.  Paul's 
Cathedral,  begun  in  1675. 

2  Paradise  Lost,  VI,  11.  51-55. 
3 1728  too. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  143 

ever  confess  there  are  Perfections  enough  in  Milton,  to  attone  for 
all  his  Defects. 

I  must  beg  leave  to  conclude  this  Article  on  Milton  with  two 
Observations. 

His  Hero  (I  mean  Adam,  his  first  Personage)  is  unhappy.  That 
demonstrates  against  all  the  Criticks,  that  a  very  good  Poem 
may  end  unfortunately,  in  Spight  of  all  their  pretended  Rules.1 
Secondly,  the  Paradise  Lost  ends  compleatly.  The  Thread  of 
the  Fable  is  spun  out  to  the  last.  Milton  and  Tasso  have  been 
careful  of  not  stopping  short  and  abruptly.  The  one  does  not 
abandon  Adam  and  Eve,  till  they  are  driven  out  of  Eden.  The 
other  does  not  conclude,  before  Jerusalem  is  taken.  Homer  and 
Virgil  took  a  contrary  Way,  the  Iliad  ends  with  the  Death  of 
Hector,  the  JEneid,  with  that  of  Turnus:  The  Tribe  of  Com 
mentators  have  upon  that  enacted  a  Law,  that  a  House  ought 
never  to  be  fmish'd,  because  Homer  and  Virgil  did  not  compleat 
their  own;2  but  if  Homer  had  taken  Troy,  and  Virgil  married 
Lavinia  to  dEneas,  \  the  Criticks  would  have  laid  down  a  Rule 
just  the  contrary.3 


Was  I  sway'd  by  the  common  Affectation  of  commending  our 
native  Country  abroad,  I  would  endeavour  in  this  Place,  to  set 
off  to  the  best  Advantage,  some  of  our  Epick  Poems;  but  I  must 
frankly  own,  among  more  than  fifty  which  I  have  read,  there 
is  not  one  tolerable.4  Then  instead  of  throwing  away  an  un 
available  Criticism  upon  some  wretched  French  Poem,  I  am  re 
duced  to  inquire,  why  we  have  not  a  good  one;5  for  it  seems  a 

1  Cf.  Addison  in  Spectator,  II,  p.  316:    "  The  first  Imperfection  which  I  shall 
observe  in  the  Fable  is  that  the  Event  of  it  is  unhappy."     Cf.  Le  Bossu,  p.  263: 
"  Mais  s'il  faut  s'arreter  a  1'autoritd  je  ne  sais  s'ilse  trouvera  quelque  exemple 
d'un  Poete  qui  finisse  son  ouvrage  par  le  malheur  de  son  Heips." 

2  Rapin,  Reflexions,  p.  23:  "  II  n'y  a  presque  qu'Homere  et  Virgile  qui  sgachent 
finir  les  choses,  ou  il  faut  les  finir." 

3  This  paragraph  is  omitted  in  the  French. 

4  Cf .  Essai,  p.  360:    Conclusion.     The  French  conclusion  is  only  about  half 
as  long  as  the  English.     Although  in  each  case  the  discussion  resolves  itself 
into  an  attempt  to  determine  why  the  French  have  no  epic  poem  and  thereby 
to  pave  the  way  for  the  Henriade,  only  a  few  of  the  ideas  brought  out  in  the 
English  are  touched  upon  in  the  French  and  then  rather  lightly.     As  we  have 
seen,  all  the  passages  dealing  with  lack  of  liberty  in  France  and  in  French  liter 
ature,  as  contrasted  with  England,   have  been  omitted. 

5  Cf.  Addison  in  Spectator,  I,  p.  471:    "I  have  only  considered  our  Language 
as  it  shows  the  Genius  and  national  Temper  of  the  English  .  .  .  We  might 
perhaps  carry  the  same  Thought  into  other  Languages,  and  deduce  a  greater 
Part  of  what  is  peculiar  to  them  from  the  Genius  of  the  People  who  speak  them." 


144  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

little  strange,  that  a  Nation  who  boasts  of  having  succeeded  so 
well  in  all  the  other  Parts  of  Poetry,  falls  so  short  of  herself  in 
that  Particular. 

I  have  heard  the  French  tongue  arraigned  in  England  of  In 
sufficiency,  as  being  neither  strong  nor  lofty  enough  to  reach  the 
Sublimity  of  Epick  Poetry. 

1  am  apt  to  think,  that  every  Language  has  its  own  particular 
Genius,  flowing  chiefly  from  the  Genius  of  the  Nation,  and  partly 
from  its  own  Nature.1 

On  the  one  Side,  more  or  less  Liberty  in  the  Government,2 
and  in  Religion,  a  more  or  less  free  Conversation  between  the 
two  Sexes,  the  Influence  of  the  first  Authors,  who  have  written 

122  with  Sue  cess,  and  whose  Stile  is  become  the  general  Standard, 
all  these  Means  have  a  great  Share  in  determining  the  Nature 
of  a  Language,  in  making  it  extensive  or  stinted,  strong  or  weak, 
sublime  or  low. 

On  the  other  Side,  the  Roughness  of  too  many  Consonants, 
the  Softness  of  predominant  Vowels,  the  Length,  or  the  Shortness 
or  the  Words,  more  or  less  Articles,  and  the  like,  give  a  strong  Bias 
to  an  Idiom,  and  render  it  more  or  less  susceptible  of  some  par 
ticular  Ways  of  Writing. 

Thus  if  we  consider  the  Softness  and  Effeminacy  into  which 
the  Luxuriancy  of  Vowels  emasculates  the  Italian  Tongue,  and 
the  Idleness  in  which  the  Italians  spend  all  their  Life,3  busy  only 
in  the  pursuit  of  those  Arts  which  soften  the  Mind;  we  must  not 
wonder  if  that  Language  passes  (as  it  were)  for  the  Language 
of  Love. 

The  Freedom  of  Society  in  France,  and  the  Turn  of  the  Phrases, 
which,  as  they  admit  of  no  Transposition,  are  the  more  perspicuous, 
qualify  exceedingly  the  French  Tongue  for  Conversation.  The 
former  Roughness  of  the  English  language,  now  improv'd  into 
Strength  and  Energy,  its  Copiousness,  its  admitting  of  many 
Inversions,  fit  it  for  more  sublime  Performances.  Besides,  the 

123  Force  |  of  that  Idiom  is  wonderfully  heighten'd,  by  the  Nature 
of  the  Government,  which  allows  the  English  to  speak  in  Pub- 
Voltaire's  attitude  has  changed  somewhat  in  the  French:    "  Nous  n'avions 

point  de  poe'me  epique  en  France,  et  je  ne  sais  meme  si  nous  en  avons  aujourd'hui. 
La  Henriade,  a  la  ve'rite',  a  et6  imprime'e  souvent."  Essai,  p.  360. 

2  Cf.  p.  145,  note  1,  post. 

3  This  passage  was  omitted  in  the  French  conclusion. 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  145 

lick,1  and  by  the  Liberty  of  Conscience,  which  makes  them  more 
conversant  in  the  Scripture,  and  hath  rendered  the  Language  of 
the  Prophets  so  familiar  to  them,  that  their  Poetry  savours  very 
much  of  that  Eastern  out  of  the  way  Sublimity;  nay,  sixty  or 
eighty  Years  ago,  all  the  Speeches  in  Parliament  were  cramm'd2 
with  Expressions  taken  from  the  Jewish  Writings.3  But  such  pre 
dominant  Qualifications  of  a  Language,  do  not  imply  an  Exclu 
sion  of  any  other  Aptitude  in  it.  Lofty  Performances  have  been 
made  in  Italian.  Some  English  Poets  have  written  gracefully 
upon  Love,  and  it  is  not  impossible  for  the  French  to  have  an 
Epick  Poem. 

The  French  Tongue  has  Strength  and  Majesty  enough  in  Cor- 
neilles  Tragedies.  Nay,  now  and  then  it  soars  up  in  his  Plays, 
beyond  the  true  Measure  of  the  Sublime.  Far  from  wanting 
Force  or  Grandeur,  I  dare  affirm  it  labours  under  a  contrary 
Defect.  And  this  is  a  Secret  which  I  unfold  willingly.  We  can 
hardly  express  common  Things  with  Felicity  in  our  Heroic4  Poetry. 
The  Genius  of  the  Nation,  and  consequently  the  Turn  of  the 
Language,  does  not  allow  us  to  |  come  down  to  the  Description  124 
of  the  Trappings  of  a  Horse,  of  the  Wheels  of  a  Chariot,  &c.  We 
can  commend  rural  Life  in  General,  but  not  specify,  with  Dignity, 
the  little  Particularities  belonging  to  it.  This  Task,  is  avoided 
by  all  our  skilful  Writers,  who  are  conscious  of  the  Defectiveness 
of  the  Language  in  that  respect.  In  short,  such  is  our  Disad 
vantage,  that  there  are  infinite  Things,5  which  we  dare  neither 
call  by  their  Names,  nor  express  by  a  Paraphrase.6  Mr.  Pope, 

1  Cf .  Lanson,  Lettres  phil.,Il,pp.  119-120:  "En  Angleterre  communement 
on  pense,  &  les  lettres  y  sont  plus  en  honneur  qu'en  France.  Get  avantage 
est  une  suite  necessaire  de  la  forme  de  leur  gouvernement.  II  y  a  a  Londres 
environ  huit  cent  perspnnes  qui  ont  le  droit  de  parler  en  public,  &  de  soutenir 
les  interets  de  la  Nation;  .  .  .  ainsi  toute  la  Nation  est  dans  la  necessity  de 
s'instruire." 

2 1728  crammed. 

3  Cf .  Addison  in  Spectator,  II,  p.  697:    "And  it  happens  very  luckily,  that 
the  Hebrew  Idioms  run  into  the  English  tongue  with  a  peculiar  Grace  and  Beauty. 
Our  Language  has  received  innumerable  Elegancies  and  Improvements,  from 
the  Infusion  of  Hebraisms,  which  are  derived  to  it  out  of  the  Poetical  Passages 
in  Holy  Writ.     They  give  a  Force  and  Energy  to  our  Expressions,  warm  and 
animate  our  Language  and  convey  our  Thoughts  in  more  ardent  and  intense 
Phrases,  than  any  that  are  to  be  met  with  in  our  own  Tongue."     Ibid.,  p.  479: 
"Milton   has   shewn   his   Judgment   very   remarkably  ...  in   duly   qualifying 
those  high  Strains  of  Eastern  Poetry."     Cf.  Texte,  pp.  86-87:    "  Le  premier 
sans  doute  des  critiques  francais,  Voltaire  a  signale  cette  parente"  du  g6nie   bri- 
tannique  et  du  genie  de  la  Bible,  qui  est  le  premier  des  livres  anglais." 

4  1728  Heroick. 

5 1728  There  is  an  infinite  Number  of  Things.     Cf.  Errata. 
6 1728  Periphrase.  Cf.  Errata. 


146  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

in  his  Translation  of  Homer,  may  without  any  Risque,  wound  a 
Hero,  where  the  Bone  and  the  Bladder  meet,  or  pierce  him  through 
the  right  Shoulder.  He  may  say  after  his  Original : 

the  Dart pierced  a  vital  Part, 

Full  in  his  Face  it  entered,  and  betwixt 
The  Nose  and  the  Eye- Ball,  the  proud  Lician/ia;£, 
Crash' d  all  his  Jaws,  and  cleft  the  Tongue  within, 
Till  the  bright  Point  look'd  out  beneath  the  Skin.1 

The  like  Attempt  in  French  would  be  thought  Burlesque.     The 
Fields  of  Nature  lie  wide  and  open  for  the  English  to  range  through 
125  at  Pleasure,  whilst  we  |  are  stinted  and  oblig'd  to  walk  with  too 
much  Circumspection. 

To  this  happy  Freedom,  that  the  British  Nation  enjoys  in 
every  Thing,2  are  owing  many  excellent  poetical  Versions  of  the 
ancient  Poets;  whereas  the  French  are  reduced  to  translate  Virgil 
Homer,  Lucretius,  and  Ovid  in  Prose. 

11728  Chin.  Cf .  Errata.  Pope,  Iliad,  V,  11.  351-356.  In  Pope  11.  351-352  read: 
"  He  spoke,  and,  rising,  hurl'd  his  forceful  dart, 
Which,  driven  by  Pallas,  pierc'd  a  vital  part." 

2  It  is  interesting  to  compare  with  the  allusions  to  English  liberty  in  our  text 
extracts  from  those  letters  of  Voltaire  written  in  England  in  which  the  same 
idea  found  expression. 

Cf.  Foulet,  Corr.,  p.  45  (to  Thieriot,  August  12,  1726):  "C'est  un  pays 
ou  Ton  pense  librement  et  noblement,  sans  etre  retenu  par  aucune  crainte  ser 
vile."  Ibid.,  p.  61  (to  Thieriot,  October  26,  1726) :  "  I  am  weary  of  courts, 
my  dear  Thiriot;  all  that  is  king,  or  belongs  to  a  king,  frights  my  republican 
philosophy,  I  won't  drink  the  least  draught  of  slavery  in  the  land  of  liberty." 
Foulet,  p.  xii,  says  in  regard  to  this  letter:  "  Elle  renferme  le  plus  chaleureux 
eloge  de  1'Angleterre  qui  soit  jamais  tombe  de  la  plume  d'un  Francais."  Ibid., 
pp.  138-139  (a  M.  .  .  .  March  31,  1728):  "  I  think  and  write  like  a  free  Eng 
lishman,"  ...  "A  country  [England]  where  one  obeys  to  the  laws  only  and 
to  one's  whims.  Reason  is  free  here  and  walks  her  own  way.  .  .  .  No  manner 
of  living  appears  strange." 

Cf.  Lanson,  Lettres  pkil.,  I,  p.  89:  "  Le  fruit  des  guerres  civiles  a  Rome  a 
e"te  1'esclavage,  &  celui  des  troubles  d'Angleterre  la  liberte.  La  Nation  Anglaise 
est  la  seule  de  la  terre,  qui  soit  parvenue  a  regler  le  pouvoir  des  Rois  en  leur 
resistant,  et  qui  d'efforts  en  efforts  ait  enfin  e"tabli  ce  Gouvernement  sage,  ou 
le  Prince  tout  puissant  pour  fairedubien,  a  les  mains  liees  pour  faire  le  mal,  ou 
les  Seigneurs  sont  Grands  sans  insolence  &  sans  Vassaux,  &  ou  le  peuple  par- 
tage  le  gouvernement  sans  confusion."  Ibid.,  II,  p.  5:  "  Son  grand  bonheur 
[Newton's]  a  ete  non-seulement  d'etre  ne  dans  un  pals  libre  .  .  ."  In  a  letter 
to  Tpwne  dated  July  27,  1728,  there  is  a  sentence  in  which  Voltaire  speaks 
definitely,  as  he  had  in  the  Essay,  of  the  influence  upon  the  English  language 
of  the  freedom  enjoyed  by  the  nation.  Foulet,  Corr.,  pp.  169-170:  "A  language 
[the  English]  which  gives  life  and  strength  to  all  the  subjects  it  touches.  The 
Henriade  has  at  least  in  itself  a  spirit  of  liberty  which  is  not  very  common  in 
France;  the  language  of  a  free  nation  as  yours  is  the  only  one  that  can  vigour- 
ously  express  what  I  have  but  faintly  drawn  in  my  native  tongue:  the  work  will 
grow  under  your  hands,  worthy  of  the  British  nation,  and  that  tree  transplanted 
in  your  soil  and  grafted  by  you  will  bear  a  new  and  a  better  sort  of  fruit."  Cf. 
p.  149,  post. 


X 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  147 

Mr.  de  la  Motte,  a  Member  of  the  French  Academy,  is  the  only 
Man  of  some  Reputation,  who  attempted  the  Iliad  in  Verse;  but 
he  was  forced  to  contract  the  four  and  twenty  Books  of  Homer 
into  twelve,  yet  those  twelve  do  not  contain  so  many  Verses,  as 
four  Books  of  Homer  do.  His  Iliad  is  a  short  Abridgment  of  the 
Greek,  and  yet  is  judg'd  to  be  exceedingly  too  long.1 

After  all,  if  that  Slavery,  if  that  Coyness  of  the  French  Lan 
guage,  makes  it  unfit  for  translating  Homer,  and  Virgil,  yet  I 
do  not  perceive  how  that  should  hinder  the  Nation  from  having 
an  Epick  Poem  of  her  own  Growth  ? 

A  Poem,  methinks,  might  subsist  very  well,  without  the  Help 
of  mechanick,  or  anatomical  Descriptions.  We  rather  require  of 
an  Author,  to  excite  our  Passions,  to  unfold  the  most  intricate 
Recesses  of  the  Soul,  to  describe  the  Customs  of  the  Nations, 
to  mark  the  Differences2  which  arise  in  the  Characters  of  |  Men,  126 
from  the  different  Governments  they  are  born  under,  in  short 
to  speak  the  Language  of  the  polite  World;  than  to  play  the  Sur 
geon,  the  Carpenter  or  the  Joiner,  though  never  so  elegantly. 

Cardinal  of3  Rets,  and  the  Earl  of  Clarendon,4  in  their  Memoirs, 
unravel  all  the  Springs  of  the  Civil  Wars,  and  draw  at  full  Length, 
the  Pictures  of  those  whose  Ambition  shook  the  Foundation  of 
their  respective  Countries.  But  neither  of  these  two  great  Writ 
ers,  makes  it  his  particular  Care  to  describe  with  Accuracy,  how 
such  a  Colonel  was  wounded  through  the  Bladder,  and  such  a 
Captain  in  the  Kidneys.  Nor  do  they  throw  away  their  Time 
in  describing  elegantly  of  what  Wood  the  Benches  of  the  House 
of  Parliament  were  made.  Why  then  should  an  Epick  Poet,  lie 
under  the  Necessity  of  elaborating  those  little  Descriptions,  which 
every  noble  Historian  avoids  with  Care  ? 

Some  impute  our  Want  of  an  Epick  Poem,  to  the  Shackles  of 
Rhime.  They  say  that  the  gingling5  Return  of  the  same  Sounds, 

1  Cf.  Essai,  p.  317  (Chapter  on  Homer) :   "  Peu  d'ouvrages  sont  Merits  avec 
autant  d'art,  de  discretion,  et  de  finesse,  que  ses  dissertations  [Lamotte's]  sur 
Homere."     But  (p.  319):    "  Lamotte  a  ote  beaucoup  de  defauts  a  Homere  [in 
his  translation],  mais  il  n'a  conserve  aucune  de  ses  beautes;  il  a  fait  un  petit 
squelette  d'un  corps  demesure  et  trop  plein  d'embonpoint.     En  vain  tous  les 
journaux  ont  prodigue  des  louanges  a  Lamotte;  en  vain  avec  tout  1'art  possible, 
soutenu  de  beaucoup  de  merite,  s'etait-il  fait  un  parti  considerable;  son  parti, 
8es  e"loges,  sa  traduction,  tout  a  disparu,  et  Homere  est  reste."     This  passage 
first  appeared  in  the  French  essay  between  1742  amd  1746.     Cf .  p.  153,  post. 

2  1728  Differences. 
8  1728  de. 

4  Edward  Hyde,  Earl  of  Clarendon,  1608-1674. 
6  1728  jingling. 


148  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

which  are  chiming  on,  in  the  same  Stops,  Measures,  Pauses,  with 
out  any  Variety,  or  any  Relief  to  the  Ear,  must  needs  Occasion 
an  insupportable  Uniformity  throughout  all  the  Work.  They 

127  urge,  that  Slavery  cramps  the  no| blest  Genius,  and  a  Poet,  instead 
of  using  Rhime,  as  an  Ornament,  serviceable  to  his  Sense,  makes 
his  own  Thoughts  subservient  to  Rhime.1 

They  add,  Rhime  is  a  barbarous  Gothick  Invention,  owing  to 
the  dull  Sprightliness  of  the  Monks,  and  contend  that  nothing 
Good  can  be  built  with  so  bad  a  Material. 

First,  I  must  confess  we  are  Slaves  to  Rhime  in  France,  and 
our  Slavery  is  altogether  irretrievable.2  Nay,  all  our  Tragedies 
ought  to  be  rhimed.3  For  our  Poetry  being  fetter'd  by  too  strict 
Rules,  admitting  of  no  Inversions,  nor  of  Verses  incroaching  upon 
one  another,  would  have  nothing  but  Loftiness  of  Stile,  to  dis 
tinguish  it  from  Prose,  if  it  were  not  for  Rhime.4  We  have  no 
Manner  of  Pretence  to  blank  Verse,  we  must  keep  to  Rhime 
necessarily,  and  whosoever  would  attempt  to  throw  off  a  Burthen 
which  Mr.  Boyleau,&  Racine  and  Corneille,  have  so  gloriously 
sustained,  would  be  thought  rather  weak  than  bold,  and  cer 
tainly  would  meet  with  a  very  unkind  Reception.6 

As  to  that  pretended  Uniformity,  and  Tediousness  objected 
against  Verses  in  Rhime,  it  is  not  to  be  found  in  Authors  truly 
good,  of  whatsoever  Country.  Tasso  is  read  with  Pleasure,  though 

128  all  his  |  Verses,  nay,  almost  all  his  Syllables,  end  in  a,  e,  i,  o.     And 
those  who  say  Rhime  is  an  Invention  of  the  Monks  of  the  seventh 
Century,  are  utterly  in  the  Wrong.     All  the  Nations  whose  Lan- 

1  Discours  sur  la  tragedie,  Oeuvres,  II,   pp.    313-314:   "Je  sais  combien  de  dis 
putes  j'ai  essuyees  sur  notre  versification  en  Angleterre,  et  quels  reproches  me 
fait  souvent  le  savant  eveque  de  Rochester  sur  cette  contrainte  puerile,  qu'il 
pretend  que  nous  nous  imposons  de  gaiet6  de  coeur." 

2  Ibid.,  p.  312:   "  Malgre  toutes  ces  reflexions  et  toutes  ces  plaintes,  nous  ne 
pourrons  jamais  secouer  le  joug  de  la  rime;  elle  est  essentielle  a  la  po6sie  fran- 
c.aise."     Cf.  Voltaire's  discussion  of  rhyme  in  the  Preface  of  Oedipe. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  313:    "  II  y  a  grande  apparence  qu'il  faudra  toujours  des  vers  sur 
tous  les  theatres  tragiques,  et,  de  plus,  toujours  des  rimes  sur  les  notres." 

4 Ibid.,  p.  312:  "Notre  langue  ne  comporte  que  peu  d'inversions;  nos  vers 
ne  souffrent  point  d'enjambement,  du  moins  cette  liberte  est  tres  rare;  .  .  . 
nos  ensures  et  un  certain  nombre  de  pieds  ne  suffiraient  pas  pour  distinguer 
la  prose  d'avec  la  versification." 

5 1728  Boileau. 

6  Discours  sur  la  tragedie,  Oeuvres,  II,  p.  312:  "  De  plus,  tant  de  grands  maitres 
qui  ont  fait  des  vers  rime's,  tels  que  les  Corneille,  les  Racine,  les  Despre'aux, 
ont  tellement  accoutum6  nos  oreilles  a  cette  harmonie  que  nous  n'en  pourrions 
pas  supporter  d'autres;  et,  je  le  r6pete  encore,  quiconque  voudrait  se  d^livrer  d'un 
fardeau  qu'a  porte  le  grand  Corneille  serait  regard^  avec  raison,  non  pas  comme 
un  g6nie  hardi  qui  s'ouvre  une  route  nouvelle,  mais  comme  un  homme  tres- 
faible  qui  ne  peut  marcher  dans  1'ancienne  carriere." 


AN  ESSAY  ON  EPICK  POETRY  149 

guages  are  known  to  us,  have  Verses  in  Rhime,  except  the  Greeks 
and  the  Romans. 

The  return  of  the  same  Sounds,  is  a  Kind  of  natural  Musick, 
more  obvious  to  the  Ear,  and  more  easily  reduc'd  into  an  Art, 
than  the  Quantity  of  Syllables.  It  is  true,  that  Distinction  between 
long  and  short  Syllables  afforded  to  the  Romans  and  Greeks  an 
harmonious  Variety  of  Sounds,  which  by  their  Quickness,  or 
Gravity,  were  wonderfully  expressive  of  the  impetuous,  or  slow 
Motions  of  the  Soul.  But  we  ought  not  (because  we  want  so 
great  an  Advantage)  to  neglect  the  only  one  we  are  in  Possession 
of,  and  in  Room  of  which,  we  have  nothing  to  set  up.  Shou'd 
we  not  manure  our  own  Soil,  because  some  others  are  more 
fruitful  ? 

After  these  little  Hints  upon  our  Language,  and  our  Versifica 
tion,  I  will  own,  that  an  Epick  Poem  is  a  harder  Task  in  France, 
than  in  any  other  Country  whatever;1  not  purely  because  we 
Rhime,  but  because  our  Rhimes,  as  well  as  the  other  Parts  of  our 
Versification,  are  ty'd  down  |  to  most  insupportable  and  insig- 129 
nificant  Rules;2  not  because  our  Language  wants  Loftiness,  but 
because  it  wants  Freedom.  For  it  is  with  our  Heroick  Poetry, 
as  with  our  Trade,  we  come  up  to  the  English  in  neither,  for 
want  of  being  a  free  Nation.3 

Slavery  is  generally  an  Obstacle  to  Abundance.  Our  coy 
Language  is  not  as  copious  as  it  should  be.  We  have  discarded 
a  Multitude  of  old  energetic  Expressions,  the  Loss  of  which  has 
weakened  the  Stock  of  the  French  Tongue,  as  the  compelling  our 
Protestants  away  hath  thinned  the  Nation.  The  English  have 
naturalized  many  of  our  antiquated  Words,  as  they  have  done 

1  Discours  sur  la  tragedie,  Oeuvres,  II,  p.  313:    "  Voila  pourquoi  il  est  plus 
ais£  de  faire  cent  vers  en  toute  autre  langue  que  quatre  vers  en  frangais." 

2  Ibid.,  p.  312:    "  Ce  qui  m'effraya  le  plus  en  rentrant  dans  cette  carriers, 
[i.e.,  after  his  return  from  England]  ce  fut  la  s6verite  de  notre  poesie,  et  1'escla- 
vage  de  la  rime  .  .  .  Un  poete,  disais-je,  est  un  homme  libre  qui  asseryit  sa 
langue  a  son  g6nie;  le  Frangais  est  un  esclave  de  la  rime.  .  .  .  L' Anglais  dit 
tout  ce  qu'il  veut,  le  Frangais  ne  dit  que  ce  qu'il  peut." 

These  remarks  concerning  French  versification  did  not  appear  in  the  French 
version  of  the  essay  which  was  published  two  years  later  than  the  Discours 
sur  la  tragedie. 

Cf.  Pope,  Essay  on  Criticism,  III,  11.  712-714: 

"  But  critic-learning  flourished  most  in  France; 
The  rules  a  nation,  born  to  serve,  obeys; 
And  Boileau  still  in  right  of  Horace  sways." 

1  Cf.  Lanson,  Lettres  phil.,  I,  p.  120:  "  Le  Commerce  qui  a  enrichi  les  Citoiens 
en  Angleterre  a  contribue'  a  les  rendre  libres,  &  cette  liberty  a  e"tendu  le  Com 
merce  a  son  tour;  de  la  s'est  form4e  la  grandeur  de  1'Etat." 


150  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

our  Countrymen,  and  so  they  have  increased  their  Language,  as 
well  as  their  People,  at  our  Expence.1 

But  the  greatest  Enemy  to  Epick  Poetry  in  France,  is  the 
Turn  of  the  Genius  of  our  Nation.  It  is  almost  impossible  for 
us  to  venture  on  any  Machinery.  The  antient  Gods  are  exploded 
out  of  the  World.  The  present  Religion  cannot  succeed  them 
among  us.2  The  Cherub,  and  the  Seraph,  which  act  so  noble 
a  Part  in  Milton,  would  find  it  very  hard  to  work  their  Way  into 
a  French  Poem.  The  very  words  of  Gabriel,  Michael,  Raphael, 
130  would  run  a  great  Hazard  of  being  made  a  Jest  of.  Our  |  Saints 
who  make  so  good  a  Figure  in  our  Churches,  make  a  very  sorry 
one  in  our  Epick  Poems.  St.  Denis,3  St.  Christopher,  St.  Rock, 
and  St.  Genevieve,  ought  to  appear  in  Print  no  where,  but  in  our 
Prayer-Books,  and  in  the  History  of  the  Saints;  a  noble  Volume, 
which  contains  more  Wonders  than  any  Machinery  could  afford. 
To  conclude,  the  best  Reason  I  can  offer  for  our  ill  Success  in 
Epick  Poetry  is  the  Insufficiency  of  all  who  have  attempted  it. 
I  can  add  nothing  further,  after  this  ingenuous  Confession.4 

1  Religious  intolerance  was  one  of  the  subjects  on  which  Voltaire  felt  most 
keenly.  Here  he  draws  an  interesting  parallel  between  the  Revocation  of  the 
Edict  of  Nantes,  which  had  occurred  only  nine  years  before  his  birth,  and  the 
intolerant  rejection,  on  the  part  of  the  Academy  and  of  classic  writers,  of  a  vast 
number  of  energetic  words  and  expressions.  Voltaire  had  had  an  opportunity 
to  see  how  England  in  both  cases  had  profited  by  France's  intolerance  of  the 
French. 

J  Cf.  p.  123,  note  1,  ante. 

3 1728  Dennis. 

4  The  essay  closes  with  personal  and  characteristic  touches,  an  ironical  allu 
sion  to  religious  superstition  and  a  final  indirect  but  crystal-clear  appeal  for 
the  Henriade. 


FINIS. 


APPENDIX 

The  more  important  variants  of  the  Essai  sur  la  poesie  e"pique — 
Voltaire's  further  treatment  of  the  poets  discussed  in  the  essays. 

The  marked  differences  existing  between  the  Essay  upon  Epic 
Poetry  and  the  Essai  sur  la  poesie  epique  lead  one  to  wonder  to 
what  extent  the  latter  was  altered  during  the  forty-five  years 
which  the  author  lived  after  its  first  publication. 

A  comparison  of  the  text  found  in  the  standard  modern  edition 
of  Voltaire's  works1  and  that  of  1733, 2  with  the  text  as  it  appeared 
in  seven  other  representative  editions  published  during  the  author's 
lifetime3  and  in  the  Kehl  edition  of  1784, 4  gives  interesting  results. 
It  is  clear  that  this  brief  piece  of  writing  in  its  French  form  was 
considerably  worked  over,  because,  no  doubt,  of  the  importance 
its  connection  with  the  Henriade  continued  to  give  it  in  the  poet's 
eyes.  The  collation  of  the  ten  editions  in  question  reveals  more 
than  one  hundred  and  fifty  variants  involving  changes  in  wording, 
omissions  and  additions,  exclusive  of  corrections  in  spelling  and 
punctuation.  The  alterations  are  often  unimportant.  In  some 
cases,  however,  they  are  of  real  significance  either  as  corrections 
of  inaccurate  statements  occurring  in  previous  editions  or  as  the 
result  of  a  change  of  opinion,  slight,  complete  or  gradual  on  the 
part  of  the  author. 

1  Oeuvres,  Gamier  freres,  1877-1885,  VIII,  p.  306. 

2  Cf.  p.  29,  note  5,  ante. 

3  Oeuvres  de  M.  Voltaire,  Amsterdam,  ed.  Ledet  et  Cie.,  1738-39,  t.  I.     (Cf. 
Bengesco,  IV,  p.  5.) 

Oeuvres  melees  de  M.  de  Voltaire,  Geneve,  Bousquet,  1742,  t.  I.  (Cf.  Ben 
gesco,  IV,  p.  20.) 

Oeuvres  diverses  de  M.  de  Voltaire,  Londres,  TreVoux,  Nourse,  1746.  (Cf. 
Bengesco,  IV,  p.  24.) 

Oeuvres  de  M.  de  Voltaire,  Paris,  Lambert,  1751,  t.  II.  (Cf.  Bengesco,  IV, 
P-  42.) 

Oeuvres  (Collection  Complete)  de  M.  de  Voltaire,  Geneve,  Cramer,  1756.  (Cf. 
Bengesco,  IV,  p.  50.) 

Collection  complete  des  Oeuvres  de  M.  de  Voltaire,  Geneve,  Cramer,  et  Paris, 
Bastien,  1768,  t.  I.  (Cf.  Bengesco,  IV,  p.  73.) 

La  Henriade,  Divers  autres  poemes  et  toutes  les  pieces  relatives  a  I'epopee, 
Geneve,  Cramer  et  Bardin,  1775.  (Cf.  Bengesco,  IV,  p.  94.) 

4  Oeuvres  Completes  de  Voltaire,  De  1'imprimerie  de  la  socie'te'  litteraire  topo- 
graphique,  Kehl,  1784  et  1785-89,  t.  X.     (Cf.  Bengesco,  IV,  p.  105.) 


152  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Practically  all  these  changes  belong  to  the  period  of  Voltaire's 
lifetime.  Most  of  them  are  of  such  a  kind  and  are  so  definitely 
accepted  in  succeeding  editions  that  it  is  well  nigh  certain  that 
they  are  the  work  of  the  author.  Examination  of  the  texts  in 
question  shows  that  the  greater  number  of  the  alterations,  nearly 
sixty,  were  made  between  1751  and  1756.  In  1751  Voltaire  was 
in  Germany.  He  returned  in  1753  and  in  1756,  at  the  age  of 
sixty-one  or  sixty-two,  he  was  established  in  Switzerland.  About 
half  as  many  variants  date  from  the  period  between  1742  and  1746 
when  the  writer  was  about  fifty  years  of  age  and  was  living  at 
Cirey  or  had  just  returned  to  Paris.  A  smaller,  but  still  consider 
able,  number  of  changes  were  made  between  1746  and  1751,  the 
years  immediately  preceding  Voltaire's  departure  for  Germany; 
about  twenty  between  1738  and  1742  and  only  ten  or  so  between 
1733  and  1738.  Those  made  later  than  1756  are  few  and  scattering. 

A  table  of  the  more  interesting  variants  follows. 

Chapitre  I.     Des  differents  gouts  des  peuples. 

Oeuvres  (Gamier  ed.),  VIII. 

p.  309. 1  Pourvu  que  vous  confessiez  que  c'est  un  ouvrage  [le 
Paradis  perda]  aussi  admirable  en  son  genre  que  I'lliade. 
1784,  75,  '68,  '56,  '51. 


que  VEntide,*  1746,  '42,  '38,  '33. 

p.  313.  II  faut  peindre  avec  des  couleurs  vraies  comme  les 
anciens,  mais  il  ne  faut  pas  peindre  les  memes  choses. 
1784,  '75,  '68,  '56. 


en  sorte  qu'un  Poe'te  epique  entoure"  de  tant  de  nou- 
veautes,  doit  avoir  un  genie  bien  sterile,  ou  bien  timide, 
s'il  ri'ose  pas  etre  neuf  lui-meme.3  1751,  '46,  '42,  '38,  '33. 

Chapitre  11.     Homere. 

p.  314.     deux  generations  apres  la  guerre  de  Troie,   1784,  '75, 
'68,  '56,  '51. 

1  All  page  references  are  made  to  the  Gamier  edition. 

2  It  is  suggestive  that  the  substitution  of  the  Iliad  for  the  Aeneid  was  made 
at  a  period  when  Voltaire  was  becoming  less  favorable  to  both  Homer  and  Milton. 

3  This  earlier  and  more  forceful  form  was  an  almost  exact  translation  of  the 
English.     Cf   p.  87,  note  4,  ante. 


APPENDIX  153 

trois  generations,  1746,  '42,  '38,  '33. 

p.  316.     maitre  de  la  moitie  de  1'univers,  1784,  '75,  '68,  '56,  '51, 
'46.  

maitre  de  1'univers,1  1742,  '38,  '33. 

p.  316.     les  nations  du  nord  ont  conquis  notre  hemisphere,  1784, 
'75,  '68,  '56,  '51,  '46. 


ont  conquis  toute  la  terre,1  1742,  '38,  '33. 

p.  319.  C'est  ici  sans  doute  qu'on  ne  peut  surtout  s'empecher 
d'etre  un  peu  revolte  centre  feu  Lamotte  Houdar  de 
1'Academie  frangaise,  qui,  dans  sa  traduction  d'Homere, 
etrangle  tout  ce  beau  passage  .  .  .  Son  parti,  ses  eloges, 
sa  traduction,  tout  a  disparu,  et  Homere  est  reste. 
1784,  75,  '68,  '56,  '51,  '46. 


not  found,*  1742,  '38,  '33. 

p.  320.  Malheur  a  qui  1'imiterait  dans  1'economie  de  son  poeme! 
heureux  qui  peindrait  les  details  comme  lui!  et  c'est 
precisement  par  ces  details  que  la  poesie  charme  les 
homines.'  1784,  '75,  '68,  '56. 


not  found,  1751,  '46,  '42,  '38,  '33. 


Chapitre  III.     Virgile. 

p.  321.  Cependant  il  nous  reste  de  tres-beaux  vers  de  Ciceron. 
Pourquoi  Virgile  n'aurait-il  pu  descendre  a  la  prose, 
puisque  Ciceron  s'eleva  quelquefois  a  la  poesie  ?  1784, 

'75,  '68,  '56. 

1  These  two  changes  show  the  same  trend. 

2  The  fact  that  this  passage  was  added  over  ten  years  after  the  first  publica 
tion  of  the  Essai  explains  the  difference  in  tone  between  it  and  the  other  allu 
sion  to  La  Motte  contained  in  the  French  version,  the  very  favorable  judgment 
of  his  dissertation  on  Homer. 

s  Cf .  Essai,  p.  336  (Camoens) :  "  Les  aventures  se  succedent  les  unes  aux 
autres,  et  le  poete  n'a  d'autre  art  que  celui  de  bien  center  les  details;  mais  cet 
art  seul,  par  le  plaisir  qu'il  donne,  tient  quelquefois  lieu  de  tous  les  autres." 
Voltaire's  ideas  concerning  detailed  description  in  poetry  seem  to  have  varied 
somewhat.  Cf.  pp.  145  ff.,  ante. 


154  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Si  cela  est,  le  Poete  a  eu  un  merite  que  1'orateur  n'avait 
point:  c'etait  de  connaitre  sa  portee.  Du  moins  Virgile 
n'a-t-il  point  laisse*  aprds  lui  de  mauvaise  prose:  au 
lieu  que  nous  avons  des  vers  de  Cice>on  qui  font  honte 
a  sa  memoire.i  1751,  '46,  '42,  '38,  '33. 

Chapitre  V.     Le  Trissin. 

p.  330.  II  cueille  les  fleurs  du  poe'te  grec,  mais  elles  se  fle"tris- 
sent  dans  les  mains  de  1'imitateur.  1784,  '75,  '68,  '56; 
'51,  '46.  

II  faut  bien  de  1'adresse  pour  cueillir  et  pour  assem 
bler  les  fleurs  des  anciens;  elles  se  fanent  entre  les 
mains  ordinaires,  1742,  '38. 


Les  vrais  ge"nies  n'imitent  que  rarement,  et  cependant 
il  n'y  a  qu'eux  qui  puissent  imiter  avec  succ6s.  II 
faut  .  .  .  ordinaires  (as  above),2  1733. 

Chapitre  VI.     Le  Camoens. 

p.  332.     dans  les  dernieres  anne"es    du  regne   cel&bre  de  Ferdi- 
nand  et  d'Isabelle,'  1784,  '75,  '68/56,  '51,  '46,  '42. 

1  This  diametric  change  of  opinion  occurring  between  1751  and  1756,  is  of 
particular  interest  in  the  light  of  the  fact  that  in  1749  Voltaire  became  much 
interested  in  Cicero  (cf.  Oeuvres,  V,  pp.  199  ff.)  writing  a  play,   Rome  Sauvte 
ou  Cataline,  in  which  Cicero  was  a  leading  character.     In  a  private  performance 
Voltaire  himself  played  that  part  with  signal  success.     In  a  preface  to  Rome 
Sauvee  printed  in  1753  the  author  writes  (ibid.,  p.  206) :    "  Ce  que  peu  de  per- 
sonnes  savent,  c'est  que  Ciceron  etait  encore  un  des  premiers  poetes  d'un  siecle 
ou  la  belle  poesie  cqmmencait  a  naitre."     Voltaire  then  translated  a  few  verses 
from  Cicero,  apologizing  for  the  inadequacy  of  his  translation. 

2  The  gradual  changing  of  this  passage  from  the  strong  general  statement  to 
an  unimportant  comment  upon  the  individual  poet  gives  it  a  place  in  the  history 
of  Voltaire's  attitude  toward  the  ancients  and  the  moderns. 

3  In  this  later  form  the  passage  reads:    "  CamoSns  .  .  .  naquit  en  Espagne 
dans  les  dernieres  annees  du  regne  celebre  de  Ferdinand  et  d'Isabelle,  tandis 
que  Jean  II  regnait  en  Portugal.     Apres  la  mort  de  Jean,  il  vint  a  la  cour  de 
Lisbonne,  la  premiere  annee  du  regne  d'Emmanuel  le  Grand."     This  passage 
gives  incorrect  information  concerning  the  date    and   place  of  Camoens'  birth 
(he  was  born  in  some  Portuguese  city,  probably  Lisbon,  in  1524,  according  to 
modern  opinion,  1517  being  the  date  previously  accepted)  but  "dans  les  der 
nieres  annees  du  regne",  although  still  thirty  years  out  of  the  way,  more  nearly 
approaches  the  truth  than  "  sous  le  regne." 

A  translation  of  Camoens'  poems  was  published  in  France  in  1735  by  du 
Perron  de  Castera.  In  the  Essai  as  it  appeared  in  the  edition  of  his  works 
of  1738-39,  in  the  publication  of  which  he  himself  had  a  part  (cf.  Bengesco, 
IV,  p.  5),  Voltaire  made  no  reference  to  this  translation.  The  fact  that,  as 


APPENDIX  155 

sous  le  r£gne,  1738,  '33. 

pp.  332-333.  Camoens  n'accompagna  point  Vasco  de  Gama  dans 
son  expedition,  comme  je  1'avais  dit  dans  mes  editions 
pre"cedentes  .  .  .  Tant  d'exemples  doivent  apprendre 
aux  hommes  de  ge"me  que  ce  n'est  point  par  le  ge*nie 
qu'on  fait  sa  fortune,  et  qu'on  vit  heureux.  1784,  '75, 
'68,  '56,  '51,  '46,  '42. 


Camoens  qui  e"tait  intime  ami  de  Velasco  de  Gama, 
s'embarqua  avec  lui  .  .  .  ,  introducing  an  account  of 
the  poet's  life  much  like  that  found  in  the  English 
essay.  1738,  '33. 

p.  335.  J'apprends  qu'un  traducteur  du  Camoens  pretend  que 
dans  ce  poeme  Venus  signifie  la  sainte  Vie'rge.  .  .  . 
Baccus  et  la  vierge  Marie  se  trouveront  tout  naturelle- 
ment  ensemble.1  1784,  75,  '68,  '56,  '51,  '46,  '42. 


not  found,  1738,  '33. 

p.  335.     et  qu'il  ait  toujours  pe'che  centre  le  costume,  1784,  '75, 
'68,  '56. 


not  found,  1751,  '46,  '42. 


centre  la  coutume,  1738. 


contre  le  costume,2  1733. 

p.  336.     Mais  de  tous  les  defauts  de  ce  poeme  .  .  .  qui  doit 
en  conna'itre  les  fautes,  1784,  '75,  '68,  '56,  '51,  '46,  '42. 


Ces  bevues  reviennent  assez  souvent,  &  cela  seul  prouve 
que  1'Ouvrage   est  plein  de  tres  grandes  beautes  puis- 

the  author  of  the  Lettres  Philosophiques,  he  had  found  himself  forced  to  leave 
Paris  in  1734  and  had  taken  up  his  abode  in  Cirey  in  1736  may  account  for  hia 
apparent  ignorance  of  the  publication  of  a  work  in  which  he  would  have  felt 
a  great  interest.  It  would  appear  that  he  became  acquainted  with  the  French 
Lusiads  between  1738  and  1742,  for  in  the  1742  edition  of  the  essay,  he  writes: 
"J'apprends  qu'  un  traducteur  du  Camoens  pretend .  .  .,"  and  evidently  consulting 
this  translation,  he  makes  various  corrections  and  additions  in  his  biographical 
account  of  the  Portuguese  poet,  which  remains,  however,  far  from  accurate. 

xCf.  p.  110,  note  2,  ante. 

2Cf.  Oeuvres,  VIII,  p.  336,  note  of  Beuchot:  "  L'e"dition  de  1738  porte: 
contre  la  coutume;  et  c'est  probablement  cette  faute  d'impression  qui  aura 
decide"  quelque  editeur,  qui  n'avait  pas  le  texte,  a  supprimer  le  membre  de 
phrase." 


156  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

qu'il  fait  depuis  plus  de  cent  ans  les  devices  d'une 
nation  spirituelle  qui  certainement  en  connolt  les 
fautes.  1738,  '33. 

Chapitre  VII.     Le  Tasse. 

pp.  336,  337.  II  yaura  meme  quelques  lecteurs  qui  s'e'tonneront 
que  Ton  ne  place  point  ici  1'Arioste  parmi  les  poetes 
^piques.  .  .  .et  d'outrer  la  nature  que  de  la  suivre.1 
1784,  '75,  '68,  '56. 


parmi  les  poetes  ^piques,  mais  il  faut  qu'ils  songent 
qu'en  fait  de  Tragedie,  il  serait  hors  de  propos  de  citer 
VAvare  et  le  Grandeur;  et,  quoique  plusieurs  Italiens 
en  disent,  1' Europe  ne  mettra  1'Arioste  avec  le  Tasse 
que  lorsqu  'on  placera  V  Eneide  avec  Don  Quichotte,  et 
Callot  a  cote"  du  Corre'ge.  Le  Tasse  naquit  .  .  . 
1751.  

parmi  les  poetes  ^piques,  mais  en  fait  de  trag6die  il 
faudrait  citer  I'Avare  ou  le  Grandeur;  quoique  plusieurs 
Italiens  en  disent,  on  ne  mettra  Arioste  avec  le  Tasse 
que  lorsqu'on  placera  V  Eneide  avec  Don  Quichotte  et 
le  Callot  avec  le  Corre'ge.  L' Arioste  est  un  poete  char- 
mant  mais  non  pas  un  poete  e"pique.  Le  Tasse  naquit 
.  .  .  1746.  

mais  en  fait  de  trag6die,  faudrait-il  citer  I'Avare  ou 
le  Grandeur  ?  Quoique  plusieurs  Italiens  en  disent,  1' Eu 
rope  ne  mettra  1'Arioste  avec  le  Tasse  que  lorsqu'on 
placera  V  Eneide  avec  Don  Quichotte  et  Callot  avec  le 
Corre'ge.  L' Arioste  est  un  poete  charmant,  mais  non 
pas  un  poete  e"pique.  Je  suis  bien  loin  de  re'tre'cir  la 
carriere  des  arts  et  de  donner  des  exclusions;  mais 
enfin,  pour  etre  poete  6pique  il  faut,  au  moins,  avoir 
un  but;  et  1'Arioste  semble  n'avoir  que  celui  d'entasser 
fable  sur  fable;  c'est  un  recueil  de  choses  extravagantes 
e"crit  d'un  style  enchanteur.  Je  n'ai  pas  ose"  placer 
Ovide  parmi  les  poetes  ^piques,  parceque  ses  Meta- 

1  Most  of  the  variants  of  this  passage  are  quoted  in  the  Garnier  edition 
(Oeuwes,  VIII,  p.  337,  note).  They  reveal  Voltaire's  increasing  admiration  for 
Ariosto  and  show  that  the  position  of  the  Italian  poet  was  a  question  to  which 
he  gave  much  thought. 


APPENDIX  157 

morphoses,  toutes  consacre"es  qu'elles  sont  par  la  reli 
gion  des  anciens,  ne  font  pas  un  tout,  ne  sont  pas  un 
ouvrage  re"gulier;  comment  done  y  placerais-je  1'Arioste, 
dont  les  fables  sont  si  fort  au-dessous  des  Metamor 
phoses  f  Le  Tasse  naquit  .  .  .  ,  1742. 


mais  en  fait  de  trage"die  il  ne  quadrerait  pas  de  citer 
I'Avare  et  quoique  plusieurs  Italiens  en  disent,  1'Europe 
ne  mettra  1'Arioste  avec  le  Tasse  que  lorsqu'on  placera 
V  Eneide  avec  Don  Quichotte  et  Callot  a  cote"  du 
Correge.  Le  Tasse  naquit  .  .  .  ,  1738. 


parmi  les  poetes  ^piques.  Mais  il  faut  qu'ils  songent 
qu'en  fait  de  tragedie  il  serait  hors  de  propos  de  citer 
I'Avare  et  le  Grandeur;  et  quoique  plusieurs  Italiens 
en  disent,  1' Europe  ne  mettra  1'Arioste  avec  le  Tasse 
que  lorsqu'on  placera  V Eneide  avec  le  Roman  comique, 
et  Callot  a  cote  du  Corre*ge.  Le  Tasse  naquit  .  .  .  , 
1733.  

p.  342.     mais    dont    les    Italiens    sont    entierement    de'sabuse's, 
1784,  '75,  '68,  '56,  '51,  '46. 


not  found,  1742,  '38,  '33. 

p.  343.  Encore  ces  imaginations,  dignes  des  contes  de  fe"es, 
n'appartiennent-elles  pas  au  Tasse;  elles  sont  copiees 
de  1'Arioste  .  .  .  au  dessus  du  Tasse,  1784,  '75,  '68, 
'56.  

not  found,  1751,  '46,  '42,  '38,  '33. 

Chapitre  VIII.     Ercilla.1 

p.  348.     Philippe,  qui  n'etait  point  a  cette  bataille,  moins  jaloux 
d'acquerir  de  la  gloire2  .   .   .  ,   1784,  '75,  '68,  '56. 

1  It  is  evident  that  Voltaire  took  the  chapter  on  Ercilla  bodily  from  Desfon- 
taines'  translation.     Cf.  p.  46,  note  1,  ante.     The  variants  occurring  in  this 
chapter  show  that  in  practically  every  case  where  the  modern  editions  of  the 
Essai  give  different  readings  from  Desfontaines'  version,  Voltaire's  early  editions 
followed  Desfontaines'  word  for  word.     Of  the  fourteen  variants  involved,  five 
represent  changes  between  1751  and  1756;  three  between  1746  and  1751;  five 
between  1742  and  1746;  one  between  1733  and  1738. 

2  As  a  matter  of  fact  Philip  was  not  present  at  the  battle  of  St.  Quentin  as 
Voltaire  had  implied  in  the  English  essay. 


158  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Apr6s  un  tel  succes  Philippe,  moins  jaloux  d'acque"rir 
de  la  gloire  .  .  .  ,  1751,  '46,  '42,  '38,  '33;  also  Desf. 
(Desfontaines'  translation),  1728  and  1732. 
p.  348.     centre  les  Espagnols  leurs  conquerants,  1784,  '75,  '68, 
'56. 

leurs  conquerants  et  leurs  tirans,   1751,  '46,  '38,   '33; 
Desf.  '28  and  '32. 
p.  348.     cette  tentative  des  Americains,  1784,  '75,  '68,  '56,  '42. 


des  Africains,1  1751,  '46,  '38,  '33;  Desf.  '28  and  '32. 
p.  348.     pour  recouvrer  leur  liberte,  1784,  '75,  '68,  '56,  '51. 


pour  leur  liberte,  1746,  '42,  '38;  '33;  Desf.  '28  and  '32. 
p.  348.     1'entrainerent  dans  ces  pays,  1784,  '75,  '68,  '56,  '51. 


1'entrainerent  sans  he"siter  dans  ce  pays,  1746,  '42,  '38, 
'33;  Desf.  '28  and  '32. 
p.  349.     il  s'agit  du  commandement,  1784,  '75,  '68,  '56,  '51. 


mais  par  rapport  au  commandement,  1746,  '42,  '38,  '33; 
Desf.  '28  and  '32. 
p.  349.     demander  attention,  1784,  '75,  '68,  '56,  '51,  '46. 


demander  quelque  attention,  1742,  '38,  '33;  Desf.  '28 
and  '32. 

p.  350.  de  porter  une  grosse  poutre,  et  de  deferer  a  qui  en 
soutiendrait  le  poids  plus  longtemps  1'honneur  du  com 
mandement,  1784,  '75,  '68,  '56. 


de  porter  une  grosse  poutre,  afin  que  celui  qui  en  sou 
tiendrait  le  poids  le  plus  longtemps  fut  revetu  du  com 
mandement,  1751,  '46,  '42,  '38,  '33;  Desf.  '28  and  '32. 
p.  351.  non  par  de  vaines  louanges,  1784,  '75,  '68,  '56,  '51, 
'46.  

non  par  des  louanges,  1742,  '38. 

1  The  fact  that  this  curious  error,  corrected  in  the  edition  of  1742,  recurred 
in  1746  and  1751  would  be  illuminating  in  a  critical  study  of  the  relationship 
of  the  different  texts. 


APPENDIX  159 

non  par  de  fades  louanges,  1733;  Desf.  '28  and  '32. 
p.  351.     1'odieuse  difference  qu'il  met  entre,  1784,  75,  '68,  '56, 
'51,  '46.  

1'odieuse  comparaison  entre,   1742,  '38,  '33;  Desf.  '28 
and  '32. 
p.  351.     un  harangueur,  1784,  '75,  '68,  '56,  '51,  '46,  '42,  '38. 


un  harangueur  pedant,  1733;  Desf.  '28  and  '32. 
p.  351.     leur  parlant,  1784,  '75,  '68,  '56. 


qui  leur  parle,  1751,  '46,  '42,  '38,  '33;  Desf.  '28  and  '32. 
p.  351.     un  seul  endroit,  1784,  '75,  '68,  '56,  '51,  '46  (misprint, 
endroit  omitted). 


un  endroit,  1742,  '38,  '33;  Desf.  '28  and  '32. 
p.  352.     Le  veritable  et  solide  amour,  1784,  '75,  '68,  '56,  '46. 


cependant  le  veritable  et  solide  amour,1  1751,  '42,  '38, 
'33;  Desf.  '28  and  '32. 

Chapitre  IX.     Milton. 

p.  356.     Edition  que  Milton  n'eut  jamais  la  consolation  de  voir. 
1784,  '75,  '68,  '56. 


n'eut  jamais  la   consolation   d'avoir   dans  ses   mains, 
1751,  '46.  

not  found,"  1742,  '38,  '33. 

pp.  356-357.     II  peut  avoir  imite  ...  la  seconde  est  la  beaute  des 
details.     1784,   '75,   '68,   '56  (y  avoir  in  certain  cases). 


not  found,  1751,  '46,  '38,  '33. 
p.  357.     Je  fus  le  premier  qui  fis  connoitre  aux  Frangais  quelques 


1  Here  again  we  find  a  reading,  once  changed,  reappearing  in  later  editions 
before  its  final  rejection. 

2  Cf .  Lounsbury,  p.  49:    "A  special  contribution  of  his  own  Voltaire  also 
made  to  the  swelling  mass  of  misstatement  about  the  favor  or  rather  disfavor 
with  which  the  great  epic  had  been  received  at  the  time  of  its  appearance.     He 
assures  us  that  Milton  never  lived  to  see  a  second  edition  of  his  principal  work." 


160  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY    ON  EPIC  POETRY 

morceaux  de  Milton  et  de  Shakespeare,  1784,  '75,  '68. 
not  found,*  1756,  '51,  '46,  '42,  '38,  '33. 

Conclusion. 

p.  360.     Les  artistes  ne  sont  bien  juge"s  que  quand  ils  ne  sont 
plus.     1784,  75,  '68,  '56. 


Un  ecrivain  qui  pendant  sa  vie  ne  sera  point  protege" 
par  son  Prince,  qui  ne  sera  dans  aucun  poste,  qui  ne 
tiendra  a  aucun  parti,  qui  ne  se  fera  valoir  par  aucune 
cabale,  n'aura  probablement  de  reputation  qu'apres  sa 
mort.'  1751,  '46,  '42,  '38,  '33. 

p.  363.  Les  cornes  et  les  queues  des  diables  ne  sont  tout  au 
plus  que  des  sujets  de  raillerie;  on  ne  daigne  pas  meme 
en  plaisanter.  1784,  '75,  '68,  '56. 


not  found,  1751,  '46,  '38,  '33. 
p.  363.     et  au  temps  seul  a  desarmer  1'envie,  1784,  '75,  '68,  '56. 


1  The  variants  of  the  chapter  on  Milton  show  that  three  additions  of  some 
importance  were  made  at  three  different  times;  the  first  between  1742  and  1746, 
the  second  between  1751  and  1756  and  the  third  between  1756  and  1768.     The 
second  is  noticeably  more  favorable  in  tone  than  the  greater  part  of  the  chapter 
in  which  it  is  contained.     The  third  shows  the  author,  as  in  the  case  of  Shakes 
peare,  anxious  to  be  recognized  as  having  made  known  to  his  countrymen  an 
English  writer  who  had  gained  renown  in  France  but  whom  he  himself  had 
come  to  dislike  for  one  reason  or  another. 

It  is  interesting  in  this  connection  to  quote  a  passage  concerning  Paradise 
Lost  found  in  the  Dictionnaire  Philosophique  (Oeuvres,  XVIII,  p.  588):  "  Nous 
n'avions  jamais  entendu  parler  de  ce  poeme  en  France,  avant  que  1'auteur  de 
la  Henriade  nous  en  eut  donn6  une  id6e  dans  le  neuvieme  chapitre  de  son  Essai 
sur  la  Poesie  epique.  II  fut  m6me  le  premier  (si  je  ne  me  trompe)  qui  nous 
fit  connaltre  les  poetes  anglais,  comme  il  fut  le  premier  qui  expliqua  les  d6cou- 
vertes  de  Newton  et  les  sentiments  de  Locke  .  .  .  On  songea  alors  a  traduire 
ce  poekne  epique  anglais  dont  M.  de  Voltaire  avait  parle  avec  beaucoup  d'eloges 
a  certains  6gards." 

There  is  a  certain  amount  of  vagueness  in  this  passage.  From  the  words 
"  neuvieme  chapitre  "  and  the  form  of  the  title  it  would  seem  that  Voltaire 
had  reference  to  his  own  French  version  of  the  essay,  yet  that  version  was  not 
published  until  over  three  years  after  the  French  translation  of  Paradise  Lost  had 
appeared  and  in  the  opening  sentence  of  his  chapter  on  Milton  Voltaire  referred 
to  that  translation.  It  is  of  course  possible  that  he  had  in  mind  here  Desfon- 
taines'  translation  of  his  essay  which  appeared  in  France  a  year  before  the 
translation  of  Milton's  poem  and  where,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  Paradise  Lost 
was  spoken  of  "  avec  beaucoup  d'eloges  a  certains  6gards."  His  allusion  is 
at  any  rate  not  clear. 

2  This  passage,  bitter  and  personal  in  tone,  dates  from  the  period  when  Vol 
taire  had  definitely  left  the  capital. 


APPENDIX  161 

le  temps  seul  peut  desarmer  1'envie,  1751,  '46. 


not  found,  1742,  '38,  '33. 

The  variants  of  the  Essai  sur  la  Poesie  Epique  indicate  no 
real  change  of  opinion  on  the  part  of  the  author  in  regard  to  the 
eight  poets  whose  names  head  the  chapters.  Yet  from  Voltaire's 
correspondence  and  his  other  works  it  is  evident  that  his  estimate 
of  these  poets  did  not  in  every  case  remain  the  same  throughout 
his  life. 

The  history  of  his  attitude  toward  Homer  is  rather  a  compli 
cated  one,  two  phases  of  which  we  have  seen  in  our  study  of  the 
French  and  English  essays.1  Wholly  unappreciative  of  the  Greek 
poet  in  1727,  he  was  soon  to  attain  a  degree  of  real  sympathy 
with  him,  only  to  return  in  after  years  to  his  early  position  and  to 
take  it  still  more  strongly.  Voltaire's  Stances  sur  les  poetes  epiques 
of  which  the  first  five  date  from  1731  at  the  latest1  gives  us  an 
extremely  informal  judgment  of  four  of  the  poets  treated  in  the 
essay.  The  first  stanza  deals  with  Homer  and  in  tone  as  well  as 
in  date  stands  half-way  between  the  two  versions  of  the  essay: 

"  Plein  de  beautes  et  de  defauts, 
Le  vieil  Homere  a  mom  estime. 
II  est,  comme  tous  ses  heros, 
Babillard,  outre,  mais  sublime." 

A  few  extracts  from  letters  and  other  writings  of  Voltaire  will 
serve  to  show  how  true  are  Rigault's  words:  "  Mais,  en  vieillis- 
sant,  Voltaire  devient  moins  homerique."  3  In  the  Siecle  de  Louis 
XIV  (1751)  the  author  returns  to  the  idea  expressed  in  the  Eng 
lish  essay:  "  Que  de  gens  encore  en  Italic  qui,  ne  pouvant  lire 
Homere  qu'avec  degout  et  lisant  tous  les  jours  PArioste  et  le 
Tasse  avec  transport,  appellent  encore  Homere  incomparable  !  "  4 
In  Candide  (1759)  the  judgment  of  Homer  is  put  in  the  mouth  of 
Pococurante  but  has  been  considered  Voltaire's  own  and  is  of 
particular  interest  here,  reproducing  as  it  does  several  ideas  found 
in  the  English  essay  written  some  thirty  years  before.  "  '  II 
[Homere]  ne  fait  pas  les  miennes  [mes  delices];'  dit  froidement 

1  Cf .  pp.  66,  67,  ante. 

2  Oeuvres,  VIII,  p.  505  and  note. 

3  Rigault,  p.  474. 

*  Oeuvres,  XIV,  p.  115. 


162  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Pococurante;  '  on  me  fit  accroire  autrefois  que  j 'avals  du  plaisir 
en  le  lisant;1  mais  cette  re'pe'tition  continuelle  de  combats  qui  se 
ressemblent  tous  .  .  .  cette  Helene  qui  est  le  sujet  de  la  guerre 
et  qui  a  peine  est  une  actrice  dans  la  piece  .  .  .  tout  cela  me 
causait  le  plus  mortel  ennui.  J'ai  demande  quelque  fois  a  des 
savants  s'ils  s'ennuyaient  autant  que  moi  a  cette  lecture;  tous 
les  gens  sinceres  m'ont  avoue  que  le  livre  leur  tombait  des  mains, 
mais  qu'il  fallait  toujours  1'avoir  dans  sa  bibliotheque,  comme  un 
monument  de  1'antiquite,  et  comme  les  medailles  rouillees  qui  ne 
peuvent  etre  de  commerce.'"2  In  I' ABC  (1762-69)  Voltaire 
speaks  of  the  "  roman  monotone  de  I'lliade  "  3  and  in  the  Dic- 
tionnaire  Philosophique  (1764)  we  read:  "  Son  poeme  qui  n'est 
point  du  tout  interessant  pour  nous,  etait  done  tres  precieux  pour 
tous  les  Grecs.  Ses  dieux  sont  ridicules  aux  yeux  de  la  raison, 
mais  ils  ne  1'etaient  pas  a  ceux  du  prejuge";  et  c' etait  pour  le  pre*- 
juge  qu'il  ecrivait."  4 

Voltaire's  opinion  of  Virgil  seems  never  to  have  undergone  any 
radical  change,  as  is  quite  natural  in  view  of  the  facts  already 
cited  in  connection  with  the  two  essays,  his  thorough  familiarity 
with  Latin,  his  lasting  preference  for  the  polished  rather  than 
the  rugged  in  literature  and  the  Henriade's  resemblance  to  the 
Mneid.  The  second  of  the  Stances  sur  la  poesie  epique  contains, 
as  one  might  expect,  a  comparison  between  Homer  and  Virgil, 
favorable  to  Virgil.  It  also  suggests  the  judgment  upon  the 
latter  part  of  the  Aeneid  already  expressed  in  the  essay: 

"  Virgile  orne  mieux  la  raison 
A  plus  d'art,  autant  d'harmonie, 
Mais  il  s'e*puise  avec  Didon 
Et  rate  a  la  fin  Lavinie." 

In  a  letter  written  to  Mme.  du  Deffand  in  1754,  it  is  evident  that 
Voltaire  still  defends  Virgil  as  "the  Pattern  of  all  Poets,"5  as 
unflinchingly  as  twenty-five  years  earlier.  "  Ne  mettons  rien,"  he 
says,  "  a  cote"  de  Virgile  .  .  .  Je  vous  plains,  madame,  avec  le 
gout  et  la  sensibilit^  Eclair e*e  que  vous  avez,  de  ne  pouvoir  lire 

1  Here  Voltaire  may  well  be  thinking  of  his  personal  experience. 
z  Oeuvres,  XXI,  p.  202. 

*  Oeuvres,  XXVII,  p.  377. 
<  Oeuvres,  XVIII,  p.  567. 

*  Cf .  p.  97,  ante  . 


APPENDIX  163 

Virgile."  1  Moreover  the  frequency  with  which  Voltaire  quoted  Vir 
gil  throughout  his  life  shows  that  the  Mneid  remained  one  of  his 
favorite  works. 

In  Voltaire's  later  writings  there  seems  nothing  to  indicate  any 
change  of  opinion  concerning  Lucan. 

Trissino  is  mentioned  several  times  but  as  the  author  of  Sopho- 
nisba  rather  than  of  an  epic.  There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that 
the  Frenchman  had  any  thorough  acquaintance  with  L'ltalia 
liberata  dai  Goti  or  any  particular  interest  in  the  poem,  either  at 
the  time  of  writing  the  English  essay  or  later.  He  seems,  like 
wise,  to  have  concerned  himself  very  little  with  the  Lusiads  after 
commenting  in  the  Essai  upon  certain  phases  of  the  French 
translation  of  1735.  Toward  the  last  of  his  life,  however,  he 
still  had  the  Portuguese  poet  in  mind  for  in  September,  1773,  he 
wrote  La  Harpe  concerning  the  latter 's  Ode  sur  la  navigation: 
"J'ai  vu  avec  grand  plaisir  le  fantome  du  cap  de  Bonne  Esperance, 
plus  majestueux  et  plus  terrible  dans  vous  que  dans  Camoens."  * 
Three  years  later  he  wrote  in  regard  to  La  Harpe's  translation 
of  Camoens, — "  quoique  je  ne  le  croie  pas  tout  a  fait  digne  d'etre 
traduit  pas  M.  de  la  Harpe."  3 

The  third  of  the  Stances  deals  with  Tasso.  Here  Voltaire  men 
tions  the  defects  of  the  Gerusalemme  liberata  which  he  had  dis 
cussed  at  length  in  the  English  essay  and  places  Tasso  somewhat 
below  Virgil: 

"  De  faux  brillants,  trop  de  magie, 
Mettent  le  Tasse  un  cran  plus  bas, 
Mais  que  ne  tolere-t-on  pas 
Pour  Armide  et  pour  Herminie  ?  " 

In  after  years  Voltaire  spoke  of  Tasso  frequently  and  remained 
consistent  in  his  praises.  As  in  the  case  of  Virgil,  his  evident 
familiarity  with  the  poem  and  the  likeness  of  the  Henriade  to  it 
combined  to  preserve  this  consistency.  A  brief  sentence  found 
in  the  Dictionnaire  Philosophique,  1764,  (Oeuvres,  XVIII,  p.  573) 
is  of  interest  in  this  connection:  "On  renvoie  le  lecteur  a  ce 
qu'on  a  dit  du  Tasse  dans  V Essai  sur  la  Poesie  epique."  Voltaire 
referred  more  than  once  to  Boileau's  very  severe  criticism  of  the 

i  Oeuvres,  XXXVIII,  p.  219. 
*  Oeuvres,  XLVIII,  p.  449. 
3  Oeuvres,  L,  p.  94. 


164  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Gerusalemme  liberata.  In  the  Epitre  a  Boileau  (1769),  he  expressed 
at  the  same  time  his  idea  of  Tasso's  place  among  epic  poets: 

"  Et  si  ton  gout  severe  a  pu  desapprouver 
Du  brillant  Torquato  le  seduisant  ouvrage, 
Entre  Homere  et  Virgile,  il  aura  mon  hommage."  l 

In  the  Essai  sur  les  moeurs  this  superiority  of  Tasso  to  Homer 
is  emphasized:  "  Encore  quelques  siecles,"  we  read,  "  et  on  n'en 
fera  peut-etre  pas  de  comparaison."  2 

Voltaire's  interest  in  Ercilla  seems  to  have  died  down  with  the 
writing  of  his  essays,  indeed  with  that  of  the  English,  for  it  will 
be  remembered  how  little  he  concerned  himself  thereafter  with 
the  chapter  on  the  Araucana.3 

The  stanza  of  the  half  mocking  poem  already  quoted,  which 
deals  with  Milton,  although  echoing  at  first  a  bit  of  the  praise 
of  1727,  has  even  more  in  common  with  the  unfavorable  chapter 
of  1733: 

"  Milton  plus  sublime  qu'eux  tous 
A  des  beautes  moins  agreables. 
II  semble  chanter  pour  les  fous 
Pour  les  anges  et  pour  les  diables." 

Voltaire's  judgment  of  Milton  grew  more  severe,  in  part  because 
of  changing  circumstances,  but  chiefly,  no  doubt,  because  of  the 
French  poet's  inherent  dislike  of  the  very  qualities  which  made 
Milton  great.  In  1749,  for  instance,  (Melanges)  he  speaks  of  the 
"  poeme  bizarre  du  Paradis  perdu,  de  Milton  "  and  of  "  1'extra- 
ordinaire  et  le  sauvage  du  fond."  4  In  the  Siecle  de  Louis  XIV, 
there  is  an  interesting  passage  in  which  the  writer  groups  together 
Milton,  Homer  and  Dante,  three  poets  whose  work  came  to  be, 
as  we  have  seen,  thoroughly  displeasing  to  him.  "  Milton  reste 
la  gloire  et  1'admiration  de  1'Angleterre:  on  le  compare  a  Homere, 
dont  les  def auts  sont  aussi  grands ;  et  on  le  met  audessus  du  Dante, 
dont  les  imaginations  sont  encore  plus  bizarres."  5  Candide  (1759) 
contains  a  savage  attack  upon  the  author  of  Paradise  Lost,  who  is 

1  Oeuvres,  X,  p.  402. 

2  Oeuvres,  XII,  p.  247. 

3  Cf.  p.  46,  note  1,  ante. 

4  Oeuvres,  XXIII,  p.  420. 
o  Oeuvres,  XIV,  p.  560. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  165 

spoken  of  at  the  outset  as  "  ce  grossier  imitateur  des  Grecs  qui 
de'figure  la  creation."  The  passage  ends  with  the  following  sen 
tence:  "Ce  poeme  obscur,  bizarre  et  d6goutant,  fut  me'prise'  a 
sa  naissance;  je  le  traite  aujourd'hui  comme  il  fut  trait£  dans  sa 
patrie  par  les  contemporains."  J  Shortly  after,  Mme.  du  Deffand 
wrote  to  Voltaire,  "Je  ne  saurais  vous  dire  le  plaisir  que  j'ai  eu 
de  trouver  dans  Candide  tout  le  mal  que  vous  dites  de  Milton."  * 
In  1770  in  a  letter  to  George  Gray  concerning  the  latter's  parody 
of  Paradise  Lost,  Voltaire  speaks  of  the  original  as  the  work  of 
a  "  fanatique  eloquent."  3 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Athenaeum,  January  11,  1913. 

Baldensperger,  F.,  La  chronologic  du  sejour  de  Voltaire  en  Angleterre  et  lea 

Lettres  philosophiques.     Archiv  fur  das   Studium  der  Neueren  Sprachen 

und  Literaturen,  1913. 

Ballantyne,  A.,  Voltaire's  Visit  to  England.     London,  1893. 
Baretti,  G.,  A  Dissertation  upon  the  Italian  Poetry,  in  which  are  interspersed 

some  Remarks  on  Mr.  Voltaire's  Essay  on  the  Epic  Poets.     London,  1753. 
Baretti,  G.,  Discours  sur  Shakespeare  et  sur  M.  de  Voltaire  (1777).  Lanciano, 

1911. 

Bengesco,  G.,  Voltaire,  Bibliographic  de  ses  Oeuvres.  1882-1890. 
Bibtiotheque  frangaise,  1728. 

Boileau-Despreaux,  N.,  Oeuvres,  ed.  Amar.  Paris,  1824. 
Boulting,  W.,  Tasso  and  his  Times.     New  York  and  London,  1907. 
Bouyy,  E.,  Voltaire  et  1'Italie.     Paris,  1898. 
British  Journal,  1727. 
Brunetiere,  F.,  L'Evolution  des  genres  dans  1'histoire  de  la    litteiature  fran- 

caise.     Paris,  1890. 
Camoes,  Don  Luiz  de,  Lusiadas.     Reprint  of  edition  of  1626,  De  Vinne  Press, 

1903. 

Cervantes,  Don  Quijote,  ed.  Marin.  Madrid,  1911-1913. 
Che'nier,  Andre,  Oeuvres  poetiques,  ed.  Ch^nier.  Paris,  1874. 
Chetwood,  W.  R.,  A  General  History  of  the  Stage.     London,  1749. 
Chinard,  G.,  L'Am6rique  et  le  reve  exotique  dans  la  litterature  francaise  au 

XVIIe  et  au  XVIIIe  siecles.  Paris,  1913. 
Claretie,  L.,  Le  Sage,  romancier.  Paris,  1890. 
Collins,  J.  Churton,  Bolingbroke,  a  Historical  Study,  and  Voltaire  in  England. 

New  York,  1886. 
Collins,  J.  Churton,  Voltaire,  Montesquieu  and  Rousseau  in  England.     London, 

1908. 
Collman,  O.,  Gil  Bias  und  die  Novela  picaresca.     Archiv  fur  das  Studium  der 

Neueren  Sprachen  und  Literaturen,  1870. 
Denham,  Sir  John,  Poems,  The  Work  of  the  English  Poets  from  Chaucer  to 

Cowper,  ed.  Chalmers.     London,  1810,  VII,  pp.  221  ff. 
Desfontaines,  Abb6  G.,  Voyage  de  Gulliver  .  .  .  [translation],   Tome  I.      Paris, 

1727. 
Desfontaines,  Abbe"  G.,  La  Voltairomanie  (avec  le  Preservatif ) .     Londres,  1739. 

1  Oeuvres,  XXI,  p.  204. 

2  Oeuvres,  XL,  p.  205. 

3  Oeuvres,  XLVII,  p.  138.     Again  in  the  Dictionnaire  Philosophique  there  ap 
peared  an  article  on  Milton  (Oeuvres,  XVIII,  pp.  580-592)  full  of  inaccurate 
statements  and  surprising  critical  opinion.     Cf.  Lounsbury,  p.  48. 


166  VOLTAIRE'S  ESSAY  ON  EPIC  POETRY 

Desnoiresterres,  G.,  Voltaire  et  la  soci^te  francaise  au  XVIIIe  siecle.  1871-1876. 

Dryden,  J.,  Works,  ed.  Scott-Saintsbury.     Edinburgh  and  London,  1882-1893 

Duvernet,  T.,  Vie  de  M.  de  Voltaire.     Geneve,  1787. 

English  Review,  February,  1914. 

Ercilla  y  Zuniga,   Alonso  de,  La  Araucana.     Biblioteca  de  Autores  Espafioles, 

-\  >  L I . 

Faguet,  Emile,  Voltaire.     Paris,  1895. 

Fanshawe,  R.,  Camoens,  the  Lusiad  [translation].     London,  1655. 
Farinelli,  A.,  Dante  e  la  Francia.     Milano,  1908. 
Fitzmaurice-Kelly,  J.,  Litterature  espagnole.     Paris,  1913. 
Fontenelle,  B.  de,  Oeuvres.     Paris,  1825. 
Foulet,  L.,  Le  Voyage  de  Voltaire  en  Angleterre.     Rev.  d'Hist.  Litt.  de  la 

France.     1906. 

Foulet,  L.,  Voltaire  en  Angleterre.     Rev.  d'Hist.  Litt.  de  la  France.     1908. 
Foulet,    L.,    Correspondance   de   Voltaire    (1726-1729).     Paris,    1913.     [Foulet, 

Corr.] 

Genlis,  Mme.  la  Comtesse  de,  M6moires  sur  le  XVIIIe  siecle.     Paris,  1825. 
Goldsmith,  O.,  Works,  ed.  Gibbs.     London,  1884-1886- 
Harwood,  E.,  Biographia  Classica.     London,  1778. 
Hoole,  J.,  Jerusalem  Delivered  (translation  from  Tasso).     London,   1783.     The 

Works  of  the  English  Poets,  from  Chaucer  to  Cowper,  ed.  Chalmers.     Lon 
don,  1810,  XXI,  pp.  385  ff. 
Journal  des  Scavans,     1728,  1731. 
Jusserand,  J.,  Shakespeare  in  France,  under  the  Ancien  Regime.     New  York, 

1899. 
La   Motte-Houdar,   A.    de,     L'lliade,  poeme,  avec  un  discours  sur  Homere. 

Paris,  1714. 

Lanson,  G.,  Voltaire.     Paris,  1906. 
Lanson,  G.,  Lettres  philosophiques  [de  Voltaire],  edition    critique.     Societ6  des 

Textes  frangais  modernes.     Paris,  1909.     [Lanson,  Lettres  phil.] 
Le  Bossu,  R.,  Traite  du  poeme  epique.     Paris,  1675. 
Lounsbury,  T.  R.,  Shakespeare  and  Voltaire.     New  York,  1902. 
Lowndes,  W.  T.,  The  Bibliographer's  Manual.   London,  1857-64;  London,  1881-85. 
Magasin  encyclopedique,     1807. 
Martino,  P.,  L'Orient  dans  la  litterature  francaise  au  XVIIeet  au  XVIIIe  siecle. 

Paris,  1906. 

Mercure  de  France,  1728. 
Mickle,  William  J.,  The  Lusiad  of  Luis  de  Camoens  [translation].     The  Works 

of  the  English  Poets  from  Chaucer  to  Cowper,  ed.  Chalmers.     London, 

1810,  XXI,  pp.  517  ff. 

Milton,  J.,  Poetical  Works,  ed.  D.  Masson.     London,  1903. 
Montagu,  Mrs.  Elizabeth,  An  Essay  on  the  Writings  and  Genius  of  Shakespear. 

Dublin,  1769. 

Montesquieu,  Oeuvres.     Paris,  1796. 
Morel-Fatio,  Etudes  sur  1'Espagne.     Paris,  1890-95. 
Oxford  Dictionary. 

Parton,  J.,  Life  of  Voltaire.     Boston,  1881. 

Perrault,  Charles,  Paralelle  des  Anciens  et  des  Modernes.     Paris,  1692. 
Pierron,  A.,  Voltaire  et  ses  Maitres.     Paris,  1866. 
Pope,  A.,  Iliad,  The  Works  of  the  English  Poets,  from  Chaucer  to  Cowper,  ed. 

Chalmers.     London,  1810,  XIX. 

Pope,  A.,  Works,  ed.  Elwin  and  Courthope.     London,  1871-89. 
Rapin,  R.,  Reflexions  sur  la  Poetique  de  ce  temps  et  sur  les  Ouvrages  des  Poetea 

anciens  et  modernes.     Paris,  1675. 

Rigault,  H.,  Histoire  de  la  Querelle  des  Anciens  et  des  Modernes.     Paris,  1856. 
Rolli,  P.,  Remarks  upon  M.  Voltaire's  Essay  on  the  Epick  Poetry  of  the  Euro 
pean  Nations.     London,  1728. 
Rolli,  P.,  Examen  de  1'essai  de  M.  de  Voltaire  sur  la  Poesie  Epique  traduit  de 

1'anglais  par  M.L.A.  ...  a  Paris,  1728. 
Rowe,   Nicholas,   Lucan's  Pharsalia,   translated  into  English  verse.     London, 

1722. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  167 

Saintsbury,  G.,  A  History  of  Criticism.    London,  1900-1904. 

Spectator,  ed.  Morley.     London,  1891. 

Spence,  J.,  Anecdotes,  Observations  and  Character  of  Books  and  Men,  ed. 
Singer.  London,  1820. 

Spingarn,  J.,  Critical  Essays  of  the  Seventeenth  Century.     Oxford,  1908-1909. 

Spingarn,  J.,  A  History  of  Literary  Criticism  in  the  Renaissance.  New  York, 
1908. 

Tasso,  T.,  La  Gerusalemme  liberata.     Firenze,  1823. 

Texte,  J.,  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  et  les  orignes  du  Cosmopolitisme  Iitt6raire. 
Paris,  1895. 

Ticknor,  George,  History  of  Spanish  Literature.     Boston,  1864. 

Trissino,  G.  G.,  L'ltalia  liberata  da'  Goti.     Parigi,  1729. 

Voltaire,  An  Essay  upon  the  Civil  Wars  of  France  extracted  from  Curious 
Manuscripts,  and  also  upon  the  Epic  Poetry  of  the  European  Nations 
From  Homer  down  to  Milton,  By  Mr.  de  Voltaire,  London,  Printed  by 
Samuel  Jallason,  in  Prujean's  Court,  Old  Baily,  1727. 

Voltaire,  Ibid.  By  Mr.  de  Voltaire,  Author  of  the  Henriade,  The  second 
Edition,  Corrected  by  Himself,  London;  Printed  for  N.  Prevost  and  Comp. 
at  the  Ship,  over  against  Southampton  street,  in  the  Strand,  1728. 

Voltaire,  Ibid.  By  Mr.  de  Voltaire,  Author  of  the  Henriade.  The  fourth 
Edition  corrected,  to  which  is  now  prefixed  A  Discourse  on  Tragedy.  With 
Reflections  on  the  English  and  French  Drama  by  the  Same  Author,  Lon 
don,  Printed  for  N.  Prevost  and  Company  over  against  Southampton 
Street  in  the  Strand,  1731. 

Voltaire,  Ibid.  By  Mr.  de  Voltaire,  To  which  is  prefixed  a  short  account 
of  the  Author  by  J.S.D.D.D.S.P.D.,  printed  for  William  Ross,  Bookseller 
in  Graf  ton  Street,  Dublin,  1760. 

Voltaire,  Essai  sur  la  poesie  6pique,  traduit  de  1'anglais  de  M.  de  Vol 
taire,  par  M.  A  Paris  chez  Chaubert  a  1'Entree  du  Quai  des  Augustins 
pres  le  Point  Saint  Michel  a  la  Renomee  et  a  la  Prudence,  1728. 

Voltaire,  Essai  sur  la  poe'sie  epique,  traduit  de  1'anglais  de  M.  de  Vol 
taire,  par  M.  A  la  Haye  chez  G.  M.  de  Merville,  1728. 

Voltaire,  La  Henriade,  Nouvelle  edition,  a  Londres  chez  Hierome  Bold- 
Truth  a  la  Verite1,  1730. 

Voltaire,  La  Henriade  et  1'Essai  sur  la  Poe'sie  Epique  par  M.  de  Vol 
taire,  Nouvelle  edition  a  Londres,  1734,  (reprint  of  edition  of  1733,  La 
Henriade  a  Londres).  Cf.  Bengesco,  I,  p.  105. 

Voltaire,  La  Henriade,  Divers  autres  Poemes  et  toutes  les  Pieces  rela 
tives  a  1'Epopee,  Geneve,  Cramer  et  Bardin,  1775. 

Voltaire,  Oeuvres  de  M.  Voltaire,  Nouvelle  edition,  Revue,  augmentee 
et  corrigee  par  1'Auteur,  Amsterdam,  chez  Etienne  Ledet,  1732. 

Voltaire,  Oeuvres  de  M.  Voltaire,  Amsterdam,  ed.  Ledet  et  Cie,  1738-39. 

Voltaire,  Oeuvres  me!6es  deM.de  Voltaire,  Geneve,  Bousquet,  1742. 

Voltaire,  Oeuvres  diverses  de  M.  de  Voltaire,  Londres,  Trevoux,  Nourse, 
1746. 

Voltaire,  Oeuvres  de  M.  de  Voltaire,  Paris,  Lambert,  1751. 

Voltaire,  Oeuvres  (Collection  Complete)  de  M.  de  Voltaire,  Geneve,  Cramer,  1756. 

Voltaire,  Oeuvres  (Collection  Complete)  de  M.  de  Voltaire,  Geneve,  Cramer, 
et  Paris,  Bastien,  1768. 

Voltaire,  Oeuvres  Completes  de  Voltaire,  De  1'imprimerie  de  la  socie'te' 
litteraire  typographigue,  Kehl,  1784,  et  1785-89. 

Voltaire,    Oeuvres  de  Voltaire,    ed.  Moland,  Gamier   freres,   Paris,    1877-1885. 

Voltaire,  Preservatif  le  (La  Voltairomanie  avec),  Francois  Jores,  Londres,  1739. 

Waller,  Edmund,  Works,  published  by  Mr.  Fenton,  London,  1729. 

For  further  bibliography  of  the  period  in  question  the  reader  is  referred  to 
G.  Lanson,  Maniiel  bibliographique  de  la  litterature  franq.aise  moderne,  III,  Dix- 
huitieme  siecle,  Paris,  1911;  and  for  that  of  Voltaire's  works  to  G.  Bengesco, 
Voltaire,  Bibliographic  de  ses  Oeuvres,  1882-1890. 


VITA 

I  was  born  in  Alna,  Maine,  January  23,  1882.  My  father  was 
Henry  Kirke  White,  my  mother  Jane  Caroline  Donnell.  I  was 
prepared  for  college  in  the  Bangor  (Maine)  High  School.  From 
1899  to  1903  I  was  a  student  in  Mount  Holyoke  College,  where 
I  received  the  degree  of  B.  A.  in  1903  and  that  of  M.  A.  in  1907. 
During  the  year  1903-1904  I  studied  in  the  University  of  Paris, 
attending  the  lectures  of  Professor  Lanson,  Professor  Faguet, 
Professor  Brunot  and  others. 

From  1904  to  1906  I  taught  French  in  the  Central  High  School 
of  Springfield,  Massachusetts.  During  the  years  1906-1908  I  was 
a  graduate  student  in  Bryn  Mawr  College,  holding  a  Scholarship 
in  Romance  Languages  for  1906-1907  and  the  Fellowship  in  French 
for  1907-1908.  My  major  subject  was  French  literature,  my 
minors  Old  French  and  Spanish.  In  Bryn  Mawr  my  work  was 
done  with  Professor  Lucien  Foulet,  Professor  A.  Schinz,  Professor 
Fonger  De  Haan  and  Professor  R.  T.  Holbrook,  to  whom  I  am 
under  the  greatest  obligation  for  the  inspiration  of  their  teaching 
and  for  their  friendly  interest. 

In  1908  I  was  appointed  Instructor  in  French  in  Vassar  College, 
in  1915  Assistant  Professor. 


•>- 


'JUN  6     1988 


PLEASE  DO  NOT  REMOVE 
CARDS  OR  SLIPS  FROM  THIS  POCKET 

UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO  LIBRARY