ライフサイエンスコーパス: prejudice

1 tervention-based solutions to the problem of prejudice.

2 rison of public endorsement of treatment and prejudice.

3 e nonidealities across the multiplex without prejudice.

4 al literatures on interventions for reducing prejudice.

5 n in South Florida targeting antitransgender prejudice.

6 t thinking, and how they are associated with prejudice.

7 studies of the effects of religion on racial prejudice.

8 rspectives and politics of those targeted by prejudice.

9 ting social stereotyping and contributing to prejudice.

10 ides, it must, on balance, be good to reduce prejudice.

11 osed shift toward more interactive models of prejudice.

12 upport the call for a reconceptualization of prejudice.

13 to the puzzle for determining how to address prejudice.

14 ispute the idea that there are many distinct prejudices.

15 world is one of the best antidotes to racial prejudices.

16 veness of such measures, such as preexisting prejudices.

17 igidity of children's social stereotypes and prejudices.

18 to pose different threats, elicit different prejudices.

19 nd make the case for the current theoretical prejudice: a flat Universe whose dominant constituent is

20 arch on pain control; and misconceptions and prejudices about drug abuse and addiction contribute to

21 wing: New findings challenge a long-standing prejudice against studies with low response rates; innov

22 should take care not to endorse or reinforce prejudices against psychiatric treatment and people who

23 , efforts to treat addiction are hampered by prejudice and a public view that treats it as a disorder

24 raising children, and the impact of societal prejudice and discrimination on same-sex partners.

25 real-world instances of essentialism-fuelled prejudice and discrimination.

26 r illuminate the connection between implicit prejudice and embodied perception, suggesting new perspe

27 ncrease in positive attitudes in relation to prejudice and exclusion after the launch of Time to Chan

28 t increases in positive attitudes related to prejudice and exclusion occurred after the Time to Chang

29 nd discrimination, especially in relation to prejudice and exclusion of people with mental health pro

30 d attitudes (tolerance and support p<0.0001; prejudice and exclusion p=0.001), but not intended behav

31 al mean scores for attitude items related to prejudice and exclusion, and tolerance and support for c

32 ial categories in these terms contributes to prejudice and intergroup conflict.

33 other and contribute to our understanding of prejudice and its reduction.

34 RH, acting as the mediator between implicit prejudice and magnitude of the RH illusion and proprioce

35 ark matter, emphasizing that this is still a prejudice and not yet fact.

36 suggest that it is essential for analyses of prejudice and prejudice reduction to take the predictive

37 onal or contemporary frameworks for studying prejudice and prejudice reduction.

38 t issues, we discuss linkages between sexual prejudice and religion, gender, sexuality, and related v

39 understand stereotypes, and the emergence of prejudice and sexism.

40 ve, must happen early in development, before prejudice and stereotypes are deeply entrenched.

41 ourages research to move beyond the study of prejudice and to consider institutional and structural f

42 ts supporting research help us to understand prejudice and ways to ameliorate the problem.

43 tween the negative evaluation definition of "prejudice" and the implications of this definition for c

44 our most powerful analgesics, but politics, prejudice, and our continuing ignorance still impede opt

45 to acknowledge that the attitudes that drive prejudice are attitudes that are constructed in particul

46 dynamic nature of Blumer's (1958) theory of prejudice as a sense of relative group position.

47 pattern is generated by actual interpersonal prejudice as opposed to structural constraints on meetin

48 Existing research depicts intergroup prejudices as deeply ingrained, requiring intense interv

49 ontent (e.g., stereotypes) and affect (e.g., prejudices) associated with social groups.

50 Also evident is the extent to which prejudices born in the days of applying earlier techniqu

51 groups together oppose dominant groups, that prejudice can be overcome.

52 ntext within which individual expressions of prejudice can meet important psychological needs.

53 However, evidence for this link to implicit prejudice comes from self-report questionnaire data rega

54 f social cognitive and moral judgments about prejudice, discrimination, bias, and exclusion.

55 ess to transplantation, reciprocity, prevent prejudice, donor safety net), decisional autonomy (body

56 pursued three theories related to intergroup prejudice--each with a different mentor.

57 ialities of heme proteins that have not been prejudiced either by explicit design or by evolutionary

58 finition for correcting the social ills that prejudice engenders.

59 theoretical architecture of concepts (e.g., prejudice, experienced/received discrimination), drawn t

60 he perspective of others can markedly reduce prejudice for at least 3 months.

61 warm ischemia before cold storage which may prejudice graft survival and result in a greater risk of

62 Implicit prejudice has been shown to reduce the intensity of Whit

63 and give up stigmatizing some attitudes as "prejudice." I recommend that we avoid assuming that race

64 Is the orthodox concept of prejudice in danger of side-tracking, if not obstructing

65 and evil, which may foster a tendency toward prejudice in our society directed at those with skin dis

66 ate heterosexuals to reduce their own sexual prejudice, including intergroup contact, as well as aven

67 ele of the MAOA u-VNTR (MAOA-L) in adversely prejudicing information processing within a corticolimbi

68 ctive accuracy and adaptivity of the studied prejudices into account.

69 First, what counts as prejudice is a political judgement.

70 I argue that prejudice is an affective representation of a social gro

71 Racial prejudice is associated with a fundamental distinction b

72 texts (the between-level effect) on outgroup prejudice is greater than the effect of individual-level

73 Third, prejudice is identified in out-groups, not in-groups.

74 sagree with Dixon et al. by maintaining that prejudice is primarily rooted in aversive reactions towa

75 ts on meeting opportunities, how severe this prejudice is, and the circumstances under which it can b

76 Prejudice, like contempt, is a general evaluation rather

77 ated the prevalence of "benevolent" forms of prejudice; many stigmatised groups are currently the tar

78 By this definition, prejudice occurs when we dislike or derogate members of

79 DKT suffers from a prejudice of heaviness and is considered to be useless b

80 Thus, positive contact reduces prejudice on a macrolevel, whereby people are influenced

81 interventions and the mainstream concept of "prejudice" on which they are based.

82 s and burdens to health systems, rather than prejudice or unfounded fears.

83 ular scrutiny, since they may mask unethical prejudices or bias.

84 ns us against overemphasizing evidence about prejudice over evidence about accuracy, when both are sc

85 n bias limits cross-sectional studies, since prejudiced people avoid intergroup contact.

86 .'s paradigm-challenging paper serve to make prejudice potent.

87 desires; expression of objectionable social prejudices; production of movement errors; and rebounds

88 Developmental perspectives on prejudice provide a fundamental and important key to the

89 er groups has led to a dichotomy between the prejudice reduction and the collective action approach.

90 Nor does it dispute that prejudice reduction can be an effective way of tackling

91 itique is the model of change that underlies prejudice reduction interventions and the mainstream con

92 Notably, prejudice reduction interventions may have ironic effect

93 Criticism of orthodox models of prejudice reduction is particularly relevant for lesbian

94 What are the prospects for reconciling a prejudice reduction model of change, designed to get peo

95 Thus, prejudice reduction models should and do improve intergr

96 nate identification, intergroup contact, and prejudice reduction techniques can undermine social chan

97 f Dixon et al. in the target article is that prejudice reduction through intergroup contact and colle

98 t is essential for analyses of prejudice and prejudice reduction to take the predictive accuracy and

99 roup relations should shift from theorizing "prejudice reduction" to "social change." A focus on soci

100 at contact has a significant role to play in prejudice reduction, and has great policy potential as a

101 of analysis involving a broader approach to prejudice reduction, awareness of potential conflict esc

102 We also critique the myopic focus on prejudice reduction, but we do not support the call for

103 et article challenges standard approaches to prejudice reduction, warning that they may inure people

104 eractive prejudice, which can interfere with prejudice reduction.

105 porary frameworks for studying prejudice and prejudice reduction.

106 -group interaction as a key mechanism in the prejudice reduction/collective action paradox and point

107 al.'s discussion on the dangers of employing prejudice-reduction interventions that seek to promote i

108 e that the causal effects of many widespread prejudice-reduction interventions, such as workplace div

109 us and broad-ranging empirical assessment of prejudice-reduction strategies is needed to determine wh

110 First, prejudice reflects understandings of social identity - t

111 For most of the history of prejudice research, negativity has been treated as its e

112 t article oversimplifies its presentation of prejudice researchers' primary theoretical and policy go

113 ully consider the threat-based psychology of prejudice(s) before implementing any strategy intended t

114 with Dixon et al.'s argument, I contend that prejudice should be understood in broadly political rath

115 cial biases are the result of preferences or prejudices similar to those displayed toward members of

116 are more violent, traditional overt forms of prejudice still exist and predict discrimination of ethn

117 The former prejudices that vegetarianism leads to malnutrition were

118 article reviews empirical research on sexual prejudice, that is, heterosexuals' internalization of cu

119 had little effect on overall survival while prejudicing the transplant candidacy of African-American

120 irectories of participating physicians might prejudice those determinations.OBJECTIVE To determine th

121 ffective where it could tap into preexisting prejudices; those born in districts that supported anti-

122 ffectiveness of intergroup contact to reduce prejudice under a wide range of conditions.

123 ssociation between context-level contact and prejudice was largely mediated by more tolerant norms.

124 ey adduce little evidence to suggest that if prejudice were diminished, commensurate reductions in di

125 nity to observe reverse forms of interactive prejudice, which can interfere with prejudice reduction.